The Political Column

20th August 2000

SB at the helm ahead of polls

By our Political Correspondent

The government move was aimed at limiting the electoral reforms to the October general elections and later introducing an effective system in the new constitution.

Though the government received judicial clearance for the electoral reforms which were to be introduced as the 17th amendment, it deferred the move, following widespread opposition. It later made some changes in the electoral reforms bill. According to the modified version of the bill, the parliament would consist of 225 MPs with 168 elected under the first-past-the-post system, 30 MPs under the national PR and another 27 from the district PR system..

The government was keen to have this system introduced in a bid to secure a two thirds majority at the general elections. The ruling PA is of the view that a two-thirds majority is essential for its will to prevail in the making of a constitution with greater autonomy to the regions — a move it believes would help solve the ethnic crisis.

Though the new constitution does not specifically mention that it is a federal set-up, it contains features of a quasi-federal state. The UNP which agreed to nearly 90 percent of the proposals backed out at the last minute in extending its support, saying the government should discuss the reforms proposals with the Maha Sangha and the LTTE before they were presented in parliament.

In any event, both the Maha Sangha and the LTTE have rejected the new constitution with the former saying it offers too much for the Tamils and the latter dismissing it as a joke. Making the government's task difficult, the moderate TULF has also expressed reservations about it though some of the ex-militant groups which support the government now have welcomed it.

Thus the government appears to be in a dilemma as to what it should do. Thus it believes that if it had got the two-thirds majority, it could have gone ahead with the new constitution, come what may. This was probably the reason that prompted the government to flirt with electoral reforms.

Some legal experts say the government does not require a two thirds majority to pass the electoral reforms if the number of seats in parliament is not changed — meaning it remains at 225. But others have challenged this view. In any event, the issue has little relevance after the dissolution of parliament on Friday.

Still smarting over the shocking setback for its efforts to pass the new constitution in parliament — largely due to UNP schemes — the government is now trying to show the main opposition party that it also knows to play a political game in a similar fashion or better than it. Thus it was no surprise to many when former Senior Police Superintendent Douglas Peiris who returned to the island recently after a long political exile, made an affidavit, implicating a number of top UNPers in various acts committed during the dark era of 1988-89.

Some of these UNPers, including Colombo Central Organiser Mohamed Maharoof, have left the country. Mr. Maharoof, a one-time deputy mayor of Colombo, had left for Mecca on a pilgrimage, his family said. But since this visit coincided with the Peiris deposition, many begin to believe the speculation.

Another person who is said to have left the country is Bodhisiri Ranasinghe, a close associate of UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. But state media reports on Friday said that checks the CID carried out had shown that Mr. Ranasinghe had not left the country. In other words, the report indicated that Mr. Ranasinghe was in hiding. But some UNP insiders told this column that Mr. Ranasinghe had planned his overseas travel long before the Peiris episode broke out. Whether he is hiding or has left the country, Mr. Ranasinghe has left room for the state media to thrive in speculation, giving political advantage to the government at a time when general elections are round the corner.

Since the government came to office in August, 1994 it had held several commissions and probes to deal with extra-judicial killings or other such acts during the 1988-1989 terror period, but no one has been penalised so far. Thus the motive behind the Peiris saga appears to be political in that the PA is more keen on damaging the image of the UNP and its leadership than unearthing the buried secrets of the terror era.

Though it may be difficult to substantiate the charges, the Peiris episode has no doubt sent ripples across the UNP because it has begun to have the desired effects in the villages, especially southern and western areas where the JVP insurgency was at its height. It had made the UNP jubilation over the defeat of the constitutional bill a short-lived one.

With the PA having a not so happy record on the management of the economy and the conduct of the war — coupled with escalating cost of living and continuing death and destruction — it believes the people would still vote with it. The UNP, on the other hand, believes that the PA could come back to office only if it re-enacts a Wayamba scenario at the polls with the alleged help of Samurdhi animators. Some UNPers ask why the salaries of Samurdhi animators have been increased by Rs. 1000 whereas other government servants received only Rs. 600 increase. They also allege the election of Samurdhi Minister S. B. Dissanayake as SLFP general secretary will only give rise to speculation that the government officials would have to get involved in more party activities.

At the elections on Thursday at the SLFP Central Committee meeting which was held soon after the weekly meeting of the Ministers at Temple Trees, Minister Dissanayake polled 16 votes while his opponent Minister Maithripala Sirisena got 12.

After SLFP Secretary and Minister Dharmasiri Senanayake's death, Mr. Dissanayake met President Kumaratunga to announce his candidature for the secretary's post. By this time, the President was undecided as to who should be nominated, but she had Minister Mangala Samaraweera in her mind. When Minister Dissanayake made his intention known, the President dropped the idea of nominating Mr. Samaraweera.

But many were surprised when Assistant Secretary and Minister Maithripala Sirisena announced he also would have a stake for the secretary's post. This prompted the President to put off Wednesday's central committee meeting for Thursday since there was a bitter contest between the two ministers. Though the President wanted to appoint Minister Dissanayake as general secretary, she allowed the general body to elect the new secretary. Accordingly, an election was held on Thursday.

On Wednesday, when Minister Dissanayake was about to leave for the central committee meeting, several well-wishers gathered at his house wished him good luck. Among them was Harsha Navaratne of 'Seva Lanka'. Nimal Perera, another close associate, was seen on the access road to Temple Trees waiting with a garland. But their hopes were dashed when the President put off the election for Thursday.

When the Central Committee met on Thursday, Minister Richard Pathirana advised the two candidates not to go for a contest and offered his vice-presidency to Mr. Sirisena.

Declining to accept the offer, Mr. Sirisena asked whether a conspiracy had been hatched within the past 24 hours to oust him and said he believed there were indications that he would be appointed secretary. Mr. Dissanayake retorted, saying there was no such indication. With no compromise evident, the matter was decided by a secret ballot. Mr. Dissanayake emerged winner with 16 votes. Mr. Sirisena who obtained 12 votes resigned immediately from the post of assistant secretary, saying it would be difficult to work with the new general secretary. But he was later made a vice-president of the party.

At Thursday's vote, Dharmadasa Wanniarachchi, Ministers G.L. Peiris and Lakshman Kadirgamar were notable absentees.

On Wednesday, there was an air of uncertainty when the Central Committee met because Party President Sirmavo Bandaranaike had not sent her letter of resignation as speculated. It was expected that President Kumaratunga would take over the presidency, but this did not materialise.

The first official function of the newly appointed general secretary was to resolve a dispute with the SLMC which has objected to the dismissal of the Puttalam Urban Council Chairman, an SLMC member, by Western province Chief Minister S. B. Navinna.

SLMC leader and Minister M. H. M. Ashraff met the President in this regard recently. He told the President the procedure adopted by the Chief Minister was bad in law since the removal was based on an audit query and not on a report by the Auditor General.

Mr. Navinna had ordered an audit inspection into the activities of the UC after he received several complaints. He says the UC chairman was removed on an audit query raised by the Auditor General's Department. But when the officers of the Auditor General's Department visited the Puttalam UC, the chairman had allegedly used his power to keep them away. Some of his supporters are alleged to have manhandled the officers. When the Auditor General reported the matter to the Public Accounts Committee of parliament, its chairman Wiswa Warnapala immediately ordered an inquiry into the matter.

When Minister Ashraff raised this matter with Dr. Warnapala, he said there was little he could do.

The President also could not do much since the matter is before a committee appointed by the Chief Minister.

However, she contacted the Auditor General and the Parliamentary Secretary General to find out the actual position of the matter. Since both the President and Minister S.B. Dissanayake were unable to make any clarification on the matter, the President later directed her secretary Kusumsiri Balapatabendi to consult the Attorney-General regarding this problem.

Mr. Ashraff, meanwhile, has decided to contest with the PA in a bid to consolidate his position within the government.

Mr. Ashraff was one of the speakers at the A. C. S. Hameed memorial meeting at the BMICH on Wednesday. Other speakers included former Norwegian Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik, Minister G. L. Peiris, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Karu Jayasuriya. All the speakers paid glowing tributes to Mr. Hameed for his efforts to find a peaceful solution to the ethnic crisis. They endorsed his abilities as a skillful negotiator who dedicated most of his lifetime to pursue a peace process in war-torn Sri Lanka.

Mr. Wickremesinghe said he believed that the bi-partisan talks between the two parties aimed at resolving the crisis should be started afresh. He said the bi-partisan talks would bear fruit only if they were conducted in a proper manner with all the parties to the conflict made aware of what they were going to do.

"Consensus have to be built up slowly and it could not be achieved in a week, month or a year. Patience is important in this process and modalities and the process are as important as the substance of the proposals," he said.

When Mr. Ashraff spoke he said he endorsed Mr. Wickremesinghe's ideas fully. But he took him head on when he asked how long they should wait to build up consensus among the feuding parties.

"Are we telling the LTTE that we have not been attacked enough and we need some more?" he asked.

UNP Chairman Karu Jayasuriya was the last to address the meeting. He was apparently directed by Mr. Wickremesinghe to reply Mr. Ashraff. He said the UNP was fully committed for a negotiated settlement and they participated at the talks with honest intention. But, the talks were not held in a proper manner and the UNP backtracking was due to the government's dishonesty, he charged.

Meanwhile, the UNP's policy-making working committee met last week to discuss matters relating to the recent political developments in the country.

The working committee discussed at length the pros and cons of participating in anti-reforms demonstrations organised by groups such as the Maubima Surakeeme Viyaparaya.

Though there was general agreement that they should participate in these demonstrations, a majority of them said these protests should be devoid of political speeches. They said only Buddhist monks and other religious dignitaries should be allowed to speak. Otherwise, the party would have to face the embarrassment of hearing some speakers hitting out at the UNP as well

The working committee also took up four reports forwarded by the disciplinary committees. As recommended by the reports, dissident UNPers Sarath Amunugama, Nanda Mathew, Susil Moonesinghe and Ariyapala Walpitagama were expelled from the party.

Coming back to constitutional matters, it is believed the UNP is once again trying to present alternative proposals to the reforms package. Will the UNP be able to satisfy the Maha Sangha and the Tigers who are at two extremes?

It is beyond the comprehension of anybody that the UNP would be able to devise something acceptable to the Maha Sangha and the LTTE. The UNP knows about it well. Then what is the next step? Going by the self-centred interests of both these parties, the only conclusion one could arrive is that they are more concerned about how to gain power and retain it than about national problems.

The Fifth Column

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