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Drifting away from peace?
Major aid donors for Sri Lanka's reconstruction and development delivered verdict after their summit in Brussels last Tuesday. The United States, the European Union, Japan and Norway "urged in the strongest possible terms a rapid resumption of the peace negotiations so that Sri Lanka can benefit from the generosity of the international community." With so many other demands on donors, the record pledge of US dollars 4.5 billion (or around Rs 441 billion), may otherwise go elsewhere, they warned. Reminding that the peace process and the development process are interlinked, a statement from the European Commission Directorate General for External Resources said "there should be no drift and no delay." The donor Co-chairs also offered a way out of the present imbroglio between the UPFA Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). If they want the aid soon, "until effective administrative structures are in place in the North and East, the Co-Chairs encouraged the parties to agree on the establishment of effective delivery mechanisms for donor financed development activities in the North and East." The LTTE is insisting that the "institutionalizing" of its proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) should take place before talks on core issues could commence. The UPFA Government is emphatic any agreed interim authority should bear the contours of a final solution. The Sunday Times is today able to reveal briefly the factual position with regard to the current status of the peace process. The Norwegian facilitators gave the government and the LTTE a four point proposal. This was after consultations with both sides. The four points are: 1. The Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the LTTE agree to resume direct negotiations in Oslo, Norway and the date for the commencement of talks will be announced later as determined by the parties. 2. The agenda for the peace talks will include all matters relating to the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement and the establishment of an Interim Authority (Interim Self Gover-ning Authority). 3. Once an agreement is reached on the Interim Authority and when it becomes operational, negotiations will continue on all aspects pertaining to a lasting solution to the ethnic conflict. 4. Subsequent sessions of negotiations will take place outside Sri Lanka at a venue to be determined by the parties at the Oslo session. The UPFA Government responded to this four point proposal, with one of their own. This is what it said: "Any agreed Interim Authority will bear the contours of a final solution to the ethnic conflict taking into account the Oslo statement and the Tokyo declaration." The relevant provisions of the Oslo statement and the Tokyo Declaration appeared in these columns last week. The task now falls on the Norwegian facilitators to narrow down the seemingly irreconcilable positions of the two sides. They will have to persuade them to accept an alternative "delivery mechanism" until "effective administrative structures are in place." That indeed is a daunting task. Shuttle diplomacy by Norway to find ways and means of persuading the two sides to heed the advice of the donor Co-chairs will not be possible until after July 10 Provincial Council elections. If that in itself is a delay about which the donor Co-chairs have warned, an apparent drift also appears to have set in. Both the UPFA Government and the Tiger guerrillas, who have piously pledged to uphold the shaky Ceasefire Agreement, are otherwise busy. First to the UPFA. They have revived efforts to reach finality on the proposed much publicised Defence Co-operation Agreement (DCA) with India. It is with the newly elected United Progressive Alliance (UPA) of Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. The draft DCA formulated at the instance of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga had been sent to New Delhi. A response had arrived in Colombo with a few changes even before the Congress Party led Government was voted to power last month. Last week, the issue was pursued at the highest levels in New Delhi by Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. Now an official delegation is due in Colombo to conduct followup discussions. The DCA will encompass a variety of defence related issues and will, among others, incorporate matters relating to training, exchange of intelligence and military supplies. This news has already caused serious concern among the leadership of the LTTE in Kilinochchi. It was former United National Front (UNF) Government cabinet minister, Milinda Moragoda, who was the architect of a Defence Co-operation Agreement with India. Following his initiatives, a formal agreement to finalise a DCA was reached when then Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe held talks in New Delhi with former Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee in October last year. But the matter was not pursued any further. A senior official then in the Prime Minister's Office, who has been most helpful to the Tiger guerrillas on many matters including the obtaining of radio broadcasting equipment, directed his counterpart in the Ministry of Defence not to pursue matters relating to the DCA. This was after strong protests were raised by the LTTE. They perceived the DCA as a serious threat. However, soon after President Kumaratunga took over the defence portfolio, the matter was pursued by Mr Kadirgamar, who was then senior international affairs advisor to her. Later, a three member delegation led by Defence Secretary Cyril Herath and comprising Army Commander Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle and Nigel Hatch, (a legal advisor to the President) visited New Delhi for talks. Following consultations with President Kumaratunga thereafter, a draft DCA was formulated and sent for study to New Delhi. That is how a formal document has now emerged. Besides India, the UPFA is also moving towards Kampuchea. This week-end, Defence Secretary, Herath flies to Phnom Penh, the country's capital. He is to sign a Sri Lanka-Kampuchea Intelligence Co-operation Agreement with his counterpart in that country's Government. Kampuchea has remained one of the main sources for military procurements for the LTTE. It is widely known that the elusive Kumaran Pathmanathan or KP who headed the LTTE's Procurement Division (also known as KP Department) operated an office in the Kampuchean capital. There have been periodic reports of continued LTTE procurements from that country. Besides small arms, quantities of anti aircraft weapons and artillery have been recently procured from there. It was only in October, last year; The Sunday Times bared the existence of highly secretive operations of the KP Department in Kampuchea. A western intelligence agency alerted the previous UNF Government of how Kampuchean authorities arrested and deported Kaushalyan Sivalingam alias David, said to be a key player in the KP Department in Phnom Penh. The man known by his nom de guerre David was operating under cover of a computer firm. He was allegedly involved in effecting millions of dollars in bank transfers and procuring sophisticated weapons and communication equipment. They found their way to LTTE bases in eastern Sri Lanka. He is also said to have run a farm there. The previous government asked the Kampuchean authorities to detain David indefinitely, as the suspect is well known, until fuller investigations were conducted in that country. To support its request, recent UN convention against terrorism organizations (Security Council Resolution 1373) was cited. But the Kampuchean Foreign Ministry had initially agreed to act on the request. But in a surprise move, news arrived that the man was being deported. They argued there were no laws to keep him indefinitely. David arrived in Colombo but the UNF Government turned a blind eye. Intelligence officials trailed him to a meeting with his girl friend at a City hotel and later found the man had made his way into the Wanni. It later came to light that another person had also been deported from Kampuchea together with David. Described as an accomplice, the man arrived together with David in Bangkok. But he boarded an India bound flight. Though a Sri Lankan national, it came to light that he had used an Indian passport, improperly documented, to undertake the journey. The Kampuchean authorities had believed the accomplice was an Indian national. If foreign assistance is being sought in a bid to shore up any threats to national security, paradoxical enough, it is a different story locally. Efforts are being intensified to export troops from the Army for peace keeping operations in foreign countries, the latest foreign exchange earner for the country. Has a decision on this matter been taken after all aspects have been properly appreciated? Military Spokesman Col. Sumedha Perera's tardy propaganda machine has been doing over time to promote the idea of exporting soldiers. This week a senior Army officer boasted their latest recruitment drive has been a success - a claim that is supposed to make political leaders and Sri Lankans alike believe there is no harm in sending troops abroad because more can be enlisted. If all previous recruitment drives have not met with the required levels, if desertions continue, how come that only the current effort has proved successful? Surely no one could imagine that Sri Lankans would be thought to be that gullible. The fact that there is no war does not mean permanent peace had arrived. This reality has been very clearly demonstrated time and again by the Tiger guerrillas. It was only this week that a Naval craft with Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) members on board was fired at some 1200 metres off the shores of Sampur, south of Trincomalee. The SLMM raised issue with the Tiger guerrillas. Their reply came in no time - there was a training camp for their cadres in Sampur. Live firing exercises had been going on. The fire directed at the Naval craft was accidental, it was pointed out. That incident not only showed that the LTTE was fine tuning its military machine whilst engaging themselves in the peace process. The area where the training was going on was held by the Army until 1998. Troops were told to withdraw from there because numbers were inadequate to execute the former People's Alliance Government's ambitious "Operation Jaya Sikurui" (or Victory Assured). The question that begs answer is how the UPFA Government will meet future security threats if adequate strength is not available. Lack of sufficient strength has often been a complaint of many a field commander. An Army that stood at some 6,000 troops and 600 officers before the onset of the separatist war in 1983, has now risen to over a 100,000 in approved strength. There of course is a shortfall due to desertions. But those new recruits have all been enlisted and trained at the expense of the tax payer who had to pay defence levy and other taxes. They have also been equipped from those moneys. But to use the soldiers to earn foreign exchange is clearly a move that has not been studied carefully. Whoever gave the nod to such an exercise will no doubt become solely answerable to the nation when there is a crisis. No amount of defence and intelligence co-operation agreements will be of help for no foreign troops will fly into Colombo in an emergency. Or will they? An influential section in the Army itself believe that the export of soldiers is being done at the behest of a western super power whose occupation of foreign lands have brought them ignominy and humiliation besides death to their own troops. A senior officer said "they are looking for peace keepers to fill the vacuum when they pull out." Now to the LTTE. Norwegian Special Envoy, Erik Solheim, who was in Colombo last month, had a meeting with Chief Negotiator, Anton Balasingham in London. That was en route to Brussels where he was to brief the donor co-Chairs. The Sunday Times learnt Mr. Balasingham complained to Mr Solheim that the UPFA Government was trying to tilt the military balance in the east and was thus violating the Ceasefire Agreement. By this, he was accusing the Army of supporting the Karuna faction that is said to be carrying out attacks on guerrilla cadres and civilians who are supporting the LTTE. The Army, however, has strongly denied the charge. This week Defence Secretary Mr. Herath wrote to the SLMM dismissing the allegations. But the LTTE is worried. The attacks are preventing them from re-establishing full control in the Batticaloa district where their strength had dwindled to a mere 1,000 to 1,500 cadres. Besides political factors, this is another reason why the LTTE is insisting that the proposed Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) be established and made operational before core issues could be discussed. The setting up of an ISGA will give the LTTE the much needed licence to quickly regain control of the East, particularly the Batticaloa - Ampara districts. The defence establishment is still in disarray since President Kumaratunga took over the subject in November, last year. It has not been able to appreciate the utmost importance of the Batticaloa-Ampara districts to the LTTE. There are many reasons for it. Among them:
Whilst the Government has allowed the Army to be pre occupied solely with finding placements for its soldiers on peace keeping missions abroad, the LTTE is busy on the battlefront. Whilst pressing for establishing the ISGA, they have now embarked on new plans to consolidate their military machine in the East. The Sunday Times has learnt that additional cadres are being moved to the south of the Trincomalee district to form a tight security cordon. This is to prevent possible attacks which the guerrillas fear from Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols (LRRPs). Simultaneously groups are also being moved into the Batticaloa district to re-establish control and to crack down on members of the Karuna group. The LTTE leadership in Wanni has sent their Intelligence Wing leader, Pottu Amman and other senior cadres to the East for this purpose. Others include "Col. Sornam," now "overall forces commander" for Trincomalee-Batticaloa districts and "Col. Banu," head of the Artillery and Mortar Wing. In the Colombo City and suburbs the presence of intelligence cadres and pistol gangs has increased. It is in this backdrop that the LTTE is increasingly incensed over the recent spate of incidents. In a statement issued following the cold blooded murder of journalist Aiyathurai Nadesan, on which the UPFA Government continues to maintain complete silence, the LTTE issued an official statement. Whether it is rhetoric or not remains to be seen. But some paragraphs do raise concerns. The statement says: "Killing of intellectuals, journalists and friends of Tamil people is abominable. Even during this time of peace, anti-peace forces are engaged in barbaric activities. These actions are bound to lead the people of this island to a period of calamity and destruction. Sri Lanka security forces and the militants who are assisting them must realise the consequences……." It is still not too late to take a lesson from the LTTE. Prepare your military machine for a contingency whilst talking peace. At least now, when the LTTE has warned of "a period of calamity and destruction," it is high time steps are taken to arrest a deteriorating trend. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief owes it to the nation. Otherwise what she does may be be too little and may be too late. Pooneryn
hero new Army chief Maj. Gen. Kottegoda who has an excellent track record as one of the best infantrymen in the Army has led many an operation against Tiger guerrillas. One of his main achievements was regaining control of the Pooneryn area after it fell to the LTTE in 1993. He is presently the Chief of Staff and Overall Operations Commander (East). The latter is a temporary assignment which he is due to relinquish shortly. Navy Commander Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri will be the new Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). He is to function in addition to his role as Commander of the Navy. Vice Admiral Sandagiri will be the first from the Sri Lanka Navy to hold the post of Chief of Defence Staff. In that capacity he will be at the helm of the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH), the unified arm of the security forces and police tasked to co-ordinate all operational activity. The Sunday Times learns that decisions on the new appointments have been made by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. She personally interviewed the three top men in the Army hierarchy (other than the Commander) before taking a decision. Accordingly the chain of command of the Army will be as follows: Major General Chula Seneviratne, now Deputy Chief of Staff will be the new Chief of Staff. Major General Sarath Fonseka, Commandant of the Volunteer Force will be the new Deputy Chief of Staff. In last week's report, the designations of these two senior officers were inadvertently mixed up. |
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