President goes to Vice-Rao
By Our Political Editor
Percy Mahinda Rajapakse, President, Head of State, Head of Government, Head of the Cabinet, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of Defence of the Democratic, Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, last week did what his four predecessors dared not.

He cast aside protocol and the dignities that govern the offices he holds to respond to a telephone call from the High Commissioner for India in Sri Lanka, Shrimathi Nirupama Rao. It was not over matters of state, national security or help over burning issues Rajapakse's Government faced.

Rao was distressed over Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader Arumugam Thondaman's woes. The head of the country's largest plantation sector trade union of those of 'recent Indian origin' but now full-fledged Sri Lankan citizens, was incensed that a group of Air Force men and Army commandos posted for his security had been withdrawn.

He had been told he, like all other MPs, should make do with two Police constables. Unlike his grandfather, Saumyamoorthy Thondaman, a leader of 'his people' in his own way with some unwavering principles, the Thonda junior felt chided and cheesed off. It was a gross insult to his ego. No longer would his "thalaivars" (estate leaders) and "makkal" (people) look to him with sacred reverence. No more would they see the red berets with loaded Uzi sub machine guns at his beck and call as he whizzed past the tea bushes in the thottams (estates) where he was monarch of all what he surveyed.

He set to teach Rajapakse a lesson. Unlike grandpa Thonda, trade unionist cum parliamentarian Arumugam turned to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) -- a group waging an armed struggle to set up a separate state in Sri Lanka. He travelled to the Wanni and met LTTE Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan.

He told Thamilselvan he had plans to form what he called a united effort among the Upcountry and Western Province Tamil political parties. He was seeking the LTTE's support to meet the challenges posed by the southern polity. In other words, Armugam Thondaman wanted to fall on the shoulders of the LTTE after he was rendered helpless without security.

When he was provided the security, it was clearly to protect him from the LTTE. Now in their arms, whom was he seeking protection from?
In fact, when he crossed the Army checkpoint at Omanthai to travel to Tiger guerrilla held Kilinochchi, Arumugam had not only taken the two policemen assigned to him. There were a few other cops too from the Nuwara Eliya division. He had mustered them in his personal capacity.

Defence Secretary, Gothabaya Rajapakse, who got wind of the move asked Police Chief Chandra Fernando to conduct a full investigation and forward a report to him.

It was Arumugam's antics in Kilinochchi that had worried High Commissioner Rao. She felt if he fell into the lap of the LTTE, Arumugam should not be allowed to rest there. So she picked up the telephone and invited Rajapakse to come over to 'India House,' her official residence at Munidasa Kumaratunga Mawatha (formerly Thurstan Road). She wanted to play neutral umpire in a pow-wow between Rajapakse and Arumugam. She would clearly have seen the shifting sands in the minority Tamil equation if the CWC aligned with the LTTE. Rajapakse readily agreed.

This was in marked contrast to the late J.R. Jayewardene, the first executive President of Sri Lanka. He too cut aside protocol to periodically meet then Indian High Commissioner late Jyotindra Nath Dixit. But the old J.R. did it his way. On no occasion did he turn up at 'India House.'

nstead, he made sure that the late Dixit, once branded as the Governor of India in the state of Sri Lanka, met him at his residence 'Braemar' or at the Presidential Secretariat or the official residence. But Rajapakse was as much a novice to protocol as he is to international (or even regional) diplomacy. He proudly claims to be a 'practical man' and has acclaimed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran for calling him one, but this was practicability carried to a limit. Could he not have been advised by his Foreign Minister, Mangala Samaraweera? Alas, he is in the same boat too.

And so, Rajapakse, the President of the Republic of Sri Lanka drove to 'India House'. There he agreed to restore Arumugam's Air Force and Army Commando security. It seemed what was taken away on Sri Lankan soil was given back on "Indian soil". In future, Rajapakse told Arumugam "talk to me if there is anything". The President of Sri Lanka was so pleased with the meeting that he ended up inviting Arumugam to join his delegation to visit India. Rajapakse and his entourage are to leave on a three-day State visit beginning Tuesday.

Arumugam was so pleased himself he accepted the invitation. In a sense, he was 'going home' quite unlike when he visited New York in September as an invitee of the then President Chandrika Kumaratunga after which trip, Arumugam had supported the UNP's Presidential candidate against her own candidate, Rajapakse.

The news was however not sweet music to firebrand UNP MP T. Maheswaran. Even before the Presidential elections last month, he had been in touch on the telephone with Rajapakse. Last week Maheswaran phoned President Rajapakse. He was invited too for the Indian tour. It was open invitations to anyone from Rajapakse. After all, the Indian government has to pick the bills.

"We can visit a kovil thereafter," Rajapakse told Maheswaran. The latter knew his arch rival Arumugam would also be there. In fact, he raised issue with Rajapakse but did not receive a satisfactory reply. "I have several problems. I will let you know later," Maheswaran said.

Last Wednesday, Parliament was to conclude the budget debate. That was to be followed by a debate on the extension of the State of Emergency. Around 3 p.m. that afternoon a delegation of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the LTTE proxy, was meeting Rajapakse to discuss developments in Jaffna. TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan was waxing eloquent at the height of his voice about the sufferings faced by the people of Jaffna. "We cannot allow this to go on," he warned.

Rajapakse noted that the focus of the dialogue with TNA was turning out to be on security issues. He got on the telephone and summoned three persons -- his brother, Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse, Chief of Defence Staff Admiral Daya Sandagiri and Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka. They arrived and when the discussions continued, a Presidential aide noticed a TNA MP had kept his mobile phone switched on. They wondered whether someone outside, possibly in the Wanni, was listening to the proceedings.

Sampathan continued his tirade demanding that troops in the Jaffna peninsula be confined to their barracks. He also wanted them removed from areas outside the Jaffna University. He accused the Navy of raping a female from Kayts. Defence Secretary Rajapakse fought a war of words with Sampanthan. He said the security forces and the police were only engaged in the task of enforcing the ceasefire and protecting the civilians. "There have been murders. We want to maintain law and order. We will get hold of the culprits and punish them," he said.

Responding to the allegation of rape by Navy personnel, Rajapakse denied it. He said the CID was now investigating the matter. Information available had pointed to the involvement of a relative of the girl.
"If there was any Navy involvement, there would be a Court Martial," he said. He counter-claimed that the girl in question had been involved with two different persons.

It was now past 4.15 that day. In Parliament, the voting on the budget had ended. The debate on the renewal of the State of Emergency was being taken up. JVP's Wimal Weerawansa asked UNP's Chief Opposition Whip Mahinda Samarasinghe, who happened to be seated next to him, whether a debate was necessary. Samarasinghe said "no." Weerawansa got up and said, somewhat cheekily, that even the TNA was in favour of passing the motion on the extension of the State of Emergency without a debate. Prime Minister, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake proposed and Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle seconded the extension motion. It was passed unanimously.

TNA MPs who arrived in Parliament learnt the emergency had been approved without debate. They had been held up in the usual office traffic crawl along the Parliament Road at that hour and were furious.
A day before the TNA meeting, Rajapakse had a lengthy session with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna. They were represented by Somawansa Amerasinghe, Tilvin Silva, Wimal Weerawansa and Anura Dissanayake. The subject was the rising LTTE violence in the Jaffna peninsula.

President Rajapakse told the JVP delegation this was the first time security forces and the police had been given specific instructions. He said troops had been under orders earlier not to even place a bullet in the chamber of their guns. The Sunday Times learnt the order had been issued by the former Army Commander, Gen. Shantha Kottegoda. Now, troops had been told they could hit back if they were attacked.

Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera who was present at the meeting briefed the JVP delegation on his talks with his Norwegian counterpart, Jonas Gahr Store in Hong Kong last week. He said that he explained to the Norwegian Minister the Government's position in respect of the peace talks, and the lines on which it preferred the peace talks to resume.
President Rajapakse also had to look into yet another plea by former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga asking for something for herself from the State coffers.

This time it was not direct. She had telephoned Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake to ask him to tell Rajapakse not to remove a fleet of five Government owned bullet proof vehicles in her possession. The appeal came after she had returned from Australia where she was to attend a wedding. On her return, she got rid of her summer clothing and packed her bags with warm woollens and stockings to go for her usual Christmas vacation in the UK. She took wing on Thursday after a brief stay at sister Sunetra's chic house at the Horagolla Wallauwa complex where she complained that the local press was not giving her what she called "fair treatment".

She castigated the state media in particular. Surprisingly during her eleven year tenure as President she had hardly given an interview to the private media. Her then Director General for Media, Eric Fernando, brushed aside such requests and only gave priority to his selected favourites who could bowl full tosses at the President so that they could be hit for sixes. The former President did it again on her way to the airport, keeping the SriLankan Airlines waiting on the tarmac. Embarrassed airline officials said "she kept us waiting only for 18 minutes".

The last time, en route to Australia she had kept them waiting for 'only one hour'. At that time, her office had called Chandana de Silva head of Corporate Communications of the airline, and a personal friend of Kumaratunga. He was told that she was getting delayed due to "security reasons". It turned out that this was a fib because Kumaratunga was actually drafting a letter to SLFP secretary Maithripala Sirisena asking him to appoint V. Anandasangaree (TULF) to fill the vacant seat of former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar to Parliament.

This time though, no fibs were told, and none asked for. The airline merely revved its engines and kept waiting on the tarmac with fuming passengers inside. Kumaratunga came, and with nary a word simply rushed up the gangway to take her seat.

Then on Friday night, Rajapakse received a telephone call from UNP and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. The latter left Sri Lanka yesterday on a short holiday to Vietnam via Bangkok. Wickremesinghe wanted to know the developing security situation in the North and asked what could be done. The President explained the string of incidents that had taken place and said he had already given instructions to the security forces and police on the measures necessary.

It is now becoming clear that the Tigers have bigger designs in store for the coming weeks and the political situation in the country is going to be very much linked to the northern insurgency.

The government's new security advisers have already spread an element of panic in the capital by saying that the LTTE is going to bring their insurgency to Colombo. It seems clear why the Tigers wished Rajapakse well, and deprived his opponent from winning the Nov. 17 election.

They seem to believe that the new government is still groping around trying to get a grip on what's happening. There is a growing fear that there will be an upsurge in terrorist attacks. My colleague, the Defence Correspondent would, I'm sure, deal with that aspect on the next page.

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