Thonda's threat: Mountain or a mouse?
- President's refusal to apologise leaves CWC in shaky position
- UNP fails to maintain momentum after big rally
By Our Political Editor
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Arumugam Thondaman with President Mahinda Rajapksa after swearing in as a minister in August 2006. |
Many times in the past, the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), the largest plantation sector trade union in Sri Lanka, has threatened to quit the Government where it has remained allies. These threats have all been akin to - a storm in a tea cup.
Neither did the tea spill over nor the cup ever crack. The clutter of the cup and saucer, or the crowing of the Cockerel, their official party symbol, literally symbolised the mild political turbulence their leaders create.
There is heavy thunder once in a while, but no rain quite like in those central highlands where they have their members toiling away. That is a predictable outcome. Yet, CWC leaders would have their way. Infusing fear and winning demands, they would smile before cameras. The discomfort of their bulging pockets bulging with political gain, weighing heavily on them would reflect in their faces. Such dramas are staged with ease that they have become as common as plucking tea or tapping rubber.
Last Thursday was no different. CWC parliamentarians created a storm. They thought it would be powerful enough to turn into a political hurricane for the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government. They resigned their portfolios and declared they would withdraw their party's support. They told the media, local and foreign, that they had been "insulted". Barely 24 hours later, the men who lord over the hewers of wood and drawers of water in the plantations, the plantation workers, met in Nuwara Eliya and decided they would not quit the Government after all. This time they wanted President Mahinda Rajapaksa to deliver a public apology for the purported hurt caused to them by his brother and Senior Advisor, Basil Rajapaksa. "Our intention is not to topple the Government or join the Opposition," Muthu Sivalingam, the man who is in the eye of the storm said. He claimed that his party leaders were hurt after an encounter with the Senior Advisor.
But the political game of delivering threats and winning demands has boomeranged on the CWC, at least this time. President Rajapaksa was defiant he would not deliver any apology or make any clarification. "As far as the President is concerned, he had not been the cause for any precipitate action by the CWC. Their leaders, if they had any complaint to make have not made any representations to him," a high ranking aide close to President Rajapaksa told The Sunday Times. He said, "the CWC, like any other party, was quite free to remain in the Government or leave. The doors are wide open. The President is not expected to, and will not, heed their so-called warnings to apologise or give in to their demands under political threats."
That leaves the CWC in a no-win situation this time. With no apologies forthcoming from the President, they would have to eat humble dosai - toe the line and remain in the Government or go their own way. There was only one factor that was delaying the process with the Government taking a tough line against the CWC this time. Although the official vehicles issued to CWC leaders were to be withdrawn and their security pruned down to the level of parliamentarians, a previously arranged ceremony in Hatton delayed the process. It was the opening of a training centre funded by Norad, the Norwegian aid agency. Now that their letters of resignation are with the President, the process must begin tomorrow.
The outgoing Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar and India's High Commissioner, Alok Prasad were taking part in the Hatton event yesterday. The latter had provided a team of experts from India for this project. For Brattskar it was his last official engagement, He is being succeeded by Torre Hatrem, a senior Norwegian diplomat. Government leaders were careful not to embarrass the two envoys by withdrawing the perks for the CWC Minister and Deputy Ministers in the midst of an official ceremony planned earlier. Thus, from tomorrow CWC leaders can lose all the King's horses and all the King's men they have enjoyed since August 25, last year. Of course, it could be retained only if they apologise for creating all the brouhaha. They would of course be compelled to withdraw their demand for an apology from the President if they choose to remain in the Government.
The latest political storm developed after a CWC delegation met Basil Rajapaksa on Thursday at the Presidential Secretariat. It comprised CWC leader Arumugam Thondaman and Muthu Sivalingam. Joining in later was M. Yogarajan. Besides obtaining Customs clearance for 20 units of V-Sat equipment, the CWC leaders wanted to discuss a number of other matters. V-Sat is an electronic device, the size of a DVD player, used to transmit e-mail, voice messages, video and date without recourse to any state or private agency. They had to ask for a favour, disguised as it were, under cover of discussing political issues.
Muthu Sivalingam told The Sunday Times the CWC had sought an appointment with President Rajapaksa but were told to meet with his brother and Senior Advisor, Basil. This was to discuss "a series of outstanding issues." One was a proposal to develop the road network and other infrastructure in the estate sector. He alleged that the President's brother had requested the CWC to accept the Mahinda Chinthanaya. He also claimed that Basil had used derogatory language on him. CWC leader, Thondaman had strongly objected to the suggestion. He had argued that the CWC never accepted the Mahinda Chinthanaya and hence was not obliged to subscribe to it.
A heated exchange followed. Sivalingam said at that point he had declared he would resign if there was no confidence in him. Thondaman too had said he would resign from the Cabinet. At that point, Basil promptly offered Sivalingam a white sheet of A-4 size paper and declared he could use it to write his resignation. Thondaman snapped back to say they did not require blank paper from the Government for that purpose. They would return to their office and forward their letters. After the heated argument, they continued talking for a while. Thondaman had said even when they were out of the Government, they would support it.
Instead of returning to "Saumya Bhavan," the headquarters of the CWC, Thondaman and his colleagues retired to a suite at Taj Samudra Hotel where a lady friend was staying. There the CWC parliamentarians switched off their mobile phones and began deliberating on their next move. It is here that they decided to deliver their letters of resignation. Word got out that the CWC was leaving the Government. When news spread, media officials at the President's Office said the matter was sorted out. But that version was strongly denied by Yogarajan, another CWC MP who said the party would quit.
Basil Rajapaksa reacted angrily to allegations that he used derogatory language. "This is far from the truth. I did no such thing. I treated them with respect though I had to tell them a few things," the man known for his public relations skills told The Sunday Times. Basil is widely regarded as the main political strategist behind the Rajapaksa administration.
Here's what Basil Rajapaksa said: "But on Thursday, they telephoned me after failing to get in touch with Lalith Weeratunga, Secretary to the President on his mobile phone. I agreed to meet them. I dispatched a messenger to Temple Trees to ask Lalith to phone me. He did. He told me he was with the President. That was why he had switched off his mobile phone. I then told him about the CWC requirement. The Telecom Regulatory Commission had asked the Customs to detain their V-Sat equipment. Lalith said he would attend to it soon.
"Then they raised one or two other issues. I sorted them out. Then I told them there was something I need to tell them. There were some problems relating to the opening of an electricity supply scheme in Nawalapitiya. The MP there, Mahindananda Alutgamage had objected to Muthu Sivalingam, Deputy Minister of Nation Building and Infrastructure Development opening the scheme.
This was because there had been no reference about the local MP though it was being held in his (Aluthgamage's) electorate. It is the usual practice to have the area MP's name in the plaque. I sorted that matter on July 27 (Friday). The openingceremony was held by Sivalingam after the meeting they were told to telephone Lalith Weeratunga at 10.30 am the next day. They said his line was switched off.
"I told the CWC leaders that during the opening ceremony of the electricity scheme, they had criticised both the MP and the Government. I told them they had made statements to the effect that the electricity scheme, like other things, was obtained by the CWC after showing their strength. It was wrong to make such accusations. They got into a big huff.
"Sivalingam said he would resign if there was no confidence in him. It is true I gave him a sheet of paper and told him to write his resignation. I had very good reasons for doing so. At various meetings where I interacted with CWC leader, Thondaman and even others often told me 'if you don't do this, we will pull out of the Government.' I have stomached those threats innumerable times. They have always been throwing that threat. So what is wrong in my offering a sheet of paper? I was not demanding their resignation. I was simply giving them an answer to a threat they have been making all the time. I had tolerated it all this while and thought I should make them understand that I would not be intimidated anymore".
Basil also denied there had been any discussion on the Mahinda Chinthana. "I telephoned Sivalingam after the discussion when I learnt of this accusation. When I told him that there was no reference to a discussion on Mahinda Chinthana, he agreed. In fact he told me he did not know how to pronounce the word Chinthana. So how come there is now an allegation of my asking them to accept Mahinda Chinthana. It is common sense that when the CWC joined the Government, they accepted Government policies. It is those policies that are enunciated in the Mahinda Chinthana. To seek umbrage under trumped up claims, to say the least, is very silly."
At the Taj Samudra Hotel meeting, CWC leaders had been talking about the political drama that would follow their decision to resign. After that meeting ended, Basil had telephoned Yogarajan to ask "why all this unnecessary drama?" It was to rouse suspicions that someone at the meeting had briefed Basil on the deliberations. This, in fact, had been told to Gamini Senarath, Additional Secretary to the President, by Yogarajan. He had also briefed a diplomat on the developments. That day even President Rajapaksa telephoned Sivalingam to ask why the CWC was trying to take up issue with him and the Government.
The CWC leaders handed in their resignation letters to Lalith Weeratunga. Thondaman left immediately for Kotagala and chaired a late night meeting with trade union leaders. He slept late. Later on Friday afternoon, the Politburo of the CWC met at the Kotagala Labour Foundation for 90 minutes. It is here that they decided to demand an apology from President Rajapaksa, but continue to remain in the Government.
After Thondaman handed in his resignation and was en route to Kotagala, escorted by his retinue of commandos, his mobile phone was kept busy. If the caller was not Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, it was UNP front-liner Ravi Karunanayake. The former was saying "don't leave us" whilst the latter was exhorting "we are waiting for you with open arms." In the ignominious situation he and his party is placed in, Thondaman, known for his high life styles, flashy cars and the love to be surrounded by security men has little choice. Even if he does not receive the apology he is seeking, he cannot remain quiet now.
The reason - the letters of resignation from him and his parliamentary colleagues are now with President Rajapaksa. If they are to remain in Government, they would have to write again withdrawing them. Or expect the President to tell them he is not accepting their resignations, which would sound silly too. Otherwise, Rajapaksa is now emboldened to tell the CWC leader and colleagues he has now accepted their resignations. Now that they have publicly embarrassed Rajapaksa, they would have to go back to him literally on their knees. Otherwise, with absolute certainty Thondaman and his men will lose out and will be forced to remain in the Opposition.
Government leaders are not unduly worried about losing their majority in Parliament. They say when President Rajapaksa was voted to office, he inherited a Government that was in the minority in Parliament. However, the JVP that was in the Opposition extended support. But the JVP is planning a protest rally against the government on August 16.
The fact that the CWC will now be forced to leave the Government has come as good news for the National Congress, the alliance of the UNP and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (M). But all their woes are not over though the overwhelming public support they received at their Hyde Park meeting on July 26 is still the talking point in political circles.
Many UNP insiders are nevertheless deeply disillusioned. Despite the success at the Hyde Park meeting, they complain, the party leadership has not been able to maintain the momentum. One of them, a high ranking figure who did not wish to be identified, complained "every day we are losing the momentum. The UNP leadership is sitting on their laurels and doing nothing after the public showed their support at a mammoth rally. Flour prices have gone up. Fuel prices were increased recently. So were milk food prices. But there is not one word from the UNP leadership. They have left it in the hands of the "C" or "D" team to raise some weak noises," he said. The senior member alleged that the UNP had "sub contracted," or to use a more fashionable phrase, "outsourced" all their work to the Mangala faction and are "sitting pretty waiting for things to fall on their lap." It is they who are busy making arrangements for their next rally, the next one to begin in Matara on August 10.
The Leader had got enmeshed in an old hobby-horse media-bashing, and a new one, JHU bashing. The party was unable to make a whimper about the seventh price hike in fuel and a new hike in milk foods. These would be bread and butter stuff for an Opposition, but it seems to have let the twin issues pass. Their feeble protest outside the Fort railway station on Friday seemed a poor after-thought, and compared to the mass march the previous week, from the sublime to the ridiculous.
So much so, the limelight was almost grabbed from the Opposition Leader by his elder brother Shan Wickremesinghe, who on Monday night took on a JHU committee member Boseth Kalihe Pathirana and Deputy Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage when they made critical comments about the younger Wickremesinghe on the TNL programme Jana Handa.
Shan, the owner of TNL, and the country's co-pioneer along with his cousin Anil Wijewardene, even before Rupavahini started, telephone and rebuked the two of them for saying that the Wickremesinghe family was Anglican, and had worked against the interests of the Buddha Sasana.
He counter-accused the two of them saying that they were "living off Buddhism", and explained the work his family had done for the cause of Buddhism. Then, he stormed into the set and took both of the surprised speakers on. When Aluthgamage said he was leaving, Shan had opened the door for him to go.
More fireworks were expected though on Friday, when President Rajapaksa attended the annual prize-giving of Royal College. Traditionally, the Head of State is invited for this event. Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, a staunch old Royalist was also expected on stage, but he was engaged in the drama unfolding over the 'abduction' of the young businessman who had loaned his Mercedes Benz (obtained from the car permit of the JHU Leader Ven. Ellawela Medhananda Thera - and featured elsewhere in this issue).
National Heritage Minister Anura Bandaranaike, another staunch old Royalist was absent too. He had spoken to the President though on the telephone that day. Asked whether his elder sister former President Chandrika Kumaratunga was due in Colombo this month, the Minister had said he knew nothing of his sister's plans. Which keeps another door open as the political scene gathers dust. |