Telescope

The vote on the budget which will decide the future of the government is scheduled for Monday. For the Tamils, whether this government stays or falls is not of much interest. Both the PA and the UNP are hell bent on satisfying their southern vote base, which has consistently veered towards a hard-line approach in tackling the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and not on finding a political solution that is just and equitable by the Tamil and Muslim people. The only difference is that while the PA believes in a ham-fisted approach at addressing issues, the UNP is sophisticated enough to conceal its mailed fist in a kid glove. Moreover, a change on who controls parliament will not necessarily mean a change at President's House.

In this emotion-laden atmosphere in parliament there was an interesting exchange which elucidates the attitude of government MPs, or at least the power-brokers among them, towards their counterparts in the TNA. Basil Rajapaksa, MP, while on his feet, referred to development schemes the government was planning for the Eastern Province, which included augmenting the animal husbandry and dairy farming industry in Polonnaruwa. At this point TNA's Jaffna MP, Suresh Premachandran, interjected with a query as to whether the government planned to develop this industry by herding stray cattle in Batticaloa to farms in Polonnaruwa.

Rajapaksa responded by saying this was not so and Premachandran was free to come and see for himself. Premachandran in turn said he could not oblige because he did not have adequate security. In reply Rajapaksa stated, "If you come with me your security will be guaranteed, but if you go with the Tigers there will be no security."

This writer is quoting with responsibility what Premachandran, a parliamentarian, said had transpired in the chamber during the debate, since the Hansard of the day's proceedings were not ready by Friday (16th) when this article was written. The implications of Rajapaksa's statement, which amounts to a threat, are very serious. It is directed at an MP and by extension at other members of the TNA too. There are two important issues connected with it.

First: the government has exploited providing security to vulnerable members of Sri Lanka's polity as a means of coercing them to toe the line. A good example of this is the withdrawal of former president Chandrika Kumaratunga's security detail when it became clear she was prepared to give her blessings to the SLFP's breakaway group under Mangala Samaraweera. In other words, those who control the state are guilty of refusing to provide security to its citizens, which is the state's prime duty.

The second implication is graver. The TNA is, by far, the political party that has lost the most number of MPs and ex-MPs to the assassin's gun during the present parliament. As such, the threat to its members is very real. In 2005, A. Chandra Nehru was killed along with the LTTE's Eastern political wing leader, Kaushalyan, a killing widely attributed to have been masterminded by Karuna. This was followed by the assassinations of MPs Joseph Pararajasingham and N. Raviraj. Interestingly, Chandra Nehru was killed, literally, when he was travelling in the East with a ranking LTTE member!

Now we all know that TNA MPs today do not travel with the LTTE in government-controlled areas. Therefore, the implication of Rajapaksa's statement of the TNA 'going' with the LTTE is not travelling with the rebels, but going along with their thinking. Ever since 1983 when the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution was passed disallowing among other things the advocacy in parliament of a separate state (a measure that saw the then TULF boycotting the assembly) "supporting the LTTE" in parliament is seen as a crime. What is more, "supporting the LTTE" is not confined to advocating secession, but a blanket term hurled at anyone who dares to challenge the narrow worldview of extreme Sinhala nationalism, which believes in Sinhala hegemony over other ethnic groups as the way this country ought to be governed.

That is why Ranil Wickremesinghe was called a 'Sinhala Tiger' when he signed the CFA and gave his blessings to the Oslo declaration, while Erik Solheim became the 'White Tiger' because he was prepared to act as a professional third party facilitator to bring the two warring parties together for negotiations. Similar epithets are directed at peace workers, academics and religious leaders for similar 'crimes.'

Be that as it may, TNA parliamentarians are persons elected by voters from the North and East at a plebiscite. They represent a segment (and a large segment too) that espoused the ideology and beliefs of the Alliance and felt that such ideology and beliefs should find expression in parliament. Therefore, Rajapaksa's words not only threaten Premachandran's right of expressing his beliefs as a parliamentarian, but also thwart the will of the constituency he represents. It appears that unable to question the legitimacy the TNA has brought to its brand of Tamil nationalism because it has a constituency to back it, government MPs are seeking to undermine it through threats.

Those who fault the TNA for what it advocates also forget another matter. However unpalatable the words of the TNA might be for the advocates of Sinhala nationalism, the fact remains they are articulated by people who still believe they can work within the parameters of the Sri Lankan Constitution. The LTTE, which Sinhala nationalists believe inspires the TNA, has long abandoned even the pretence of working within the structures of the Sri Lankan state and is waging a war against it. So, rather than being thankful to the TNA, Sinhala nationalists are alienating them!

In his article last week this writer said with the LTTE putting up unexpected resistance on the battlefield, the government has been compelled to go for 'soft' political targets such as the LTTE's political wing leader S. P. Thamilselvan (who was billeted in the LTTE Peace Secretariat complex), so as to convince its extremist ally, the JVP, it was genuine in pursuing the war against Tiger terrorism.

The attack on political targets does not seem to be only confined to killing and threatening political leaders. It was said on Friday that the government was thinking of banning the LTTE again so as to satisfy the JVP. Proscribing a rebel organisation only affects its political and legal status and not necessarily its military capability. With drawbacks on the battlefield, attacking the political legitimacy of the cause of Tamil nationalism and its advocates appearsto be the government's new game.

The price of Tamil nationalism