Why politics of Mayawati and Modi poses a threat to India

It is distressing but true that the two persons who have emerged in India in 2007 with their kind of politics are: Mayawati, the Uttar Pradesh chief minister who is an exponent of caste, and Narendra Modi, the Gujarat chief minister who represents communalism of the worst type. Both are ruthless and both have an ambition to be the country's prime minister.

Methods do not matter to them and they would get what they want by using even undemocratic means. In other words, the race between the two will be the plank in the next election, due next year in May, if not earlier. Both have their all-India party to support them: Mayawati heading the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Modi occupying the key position in the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP).

Their eminence is a sad reflection on our polity which is democratic and secular. It means that our efforts for the last 60 years since independence have been of little consequence. Nor has the constitution, knowing no caste or creed, helped much. How they have hijacked the people in at least northern India may tell us why parochialism is increasing in the country.

I am not suggesting that caste and communalism have engulfed the nation. The analysis of voting pattern in the last 13 general elections does not say so. I am only pointing out that the two personalities which became larger than life in 2007 were Mayawati and Modi, both gaining because of growing caste and communal consideration to which they pandered. That they have won in free and fair elections makes things more dismal.

Yet, it is important for the rest of the society to ponder over their appeal since their gain is the country's loss. The very purpose of the democratic system -- not to mix politics with religion or caste -- is defeated. Bias and prejudice get strengthened in place of tolerance and sense of accommodation.

Mayawati and Modi have come to represent the forces which vitiate the country's atmosphere for the sake of votes. They are harming our inter-religious, intra-cultural and intra-linguistic equation. Come to think of it they have challenged our ethos. The debate on such subjects does not take place because one political party or the other hijacks it to prove its righteousness. When a communal or caste riot takes place, it evokes some discussion. Yet its purpose is lost in accusations and counter-accusations. The real point gets buried in the controversies.

Inquiry committees do analyse the cause. But the remedy is not forthcoming quickly. One, the report is late and it is further delayed by the government itself. By the time the real reason is known, the context and circumstances change. Two, the analysis in a report is too limited because it is confined to a particular incident, seldom delving into larger issues. Even after all these hazards, the recommendations of the inquiry committee are not implemented.

The Sri Krishna Committee report on the Mumbai riots in 1992 is a recent example. He has named the culprits but no action has been taken because one of them is Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackrey. After seeing no action even after 15 years, Justice Sri Krishna remarked that during the time he spent on the inquiry he could have cleared 20,000 cases.

He is not the only person who is disappointed. At least the 26 inquiry committee reports which I have seen have made strong recommendations but have been just filed. The judges conducting the inquiry must be equally disappointed. The government is too afraid to disturb the status quo. When there was furor in parliament for not taking any action on the Sri Krishna report, the Shiv Sena dared the government and its spokesman Manohar Joshi said that it would be better if the status quo was maintained. The government seems to have followed the advice.

A study done by the Gandhians in Gujarat after the polls is telling. It says: "People get swayed away by big talks but cannot observe the minuteness of the real situation. The standards of education, health are declining. But the propaganda makes it all foggy. The attitude of the ruling party towards women does not create concern among the people. On the contrary, it is said that women have voted in large number for the BJP.

In spite of awakening campaign in the areas having poor public health services and representations made to the government, the ruling party still got re-elected. The general impression of the people of Gujarat is that they are weak fighters. But it seems that they don't mind if others fight for them, even if violently. Cruelty is the sign of weakness. There seems to be no protest among people for the factors interested in sword and trishul…

"It seems that mentality of Hindutva is getting deep-rooted and institutionalized. So, the concerned citizens need to go more among the masses. No chance of strong opposition party is seen. The role of NGOs has to be rethought over. We believe that for the security of the people, particularly of the minorities, we need to speak clearly and firmly when required. Opposition must not be afraid that Hindu mentality will get hurt."

Too many mistakes have been made in the past. The result is that caste and communalism have taken root. There was a time when the column on caste had been deleted from official application forms. Religion too did not figure in any big way. Maybe, that was the period when we should have come strongly on the political parties playing havoc with our democratic and secular traditions.

Since neither caste nor religion posed any serious problem in the early years, we let the ground to be nibbled at by those who sold communalism as an ideology in place of pluralism and caste in place of tolerance. Both negatives came to the fore when electoral politics took a fierce shape. Other positions had been watered down over the years. Therefore, if the evils of caste and communalism are to be combated, they have to be separated from the exploitation in elections.

The Election Commission can do it. But it has kept away from this sensitive point for the reasons best known to it. The same attitude is visible on the question of religion. The recent election in Gujarat showed that the Election Commission was afraid to join issue with Modi. It took shelter behind technicalities.

At one time, the Home Ministry was proposing to bring a Bill to ban parties propagating in the name of religion. I believe things are held up because there is no comprehensive term to define religion. Still there has to be a legal course to stop the political parties from camouflaging their real intent. The nation would be grateful if parliament could do so.

(The writer is a veteran Indian journalist and diplomat. He was also one-time member of Rajya Sabha, India's upper house)