Political Column

The intriguing political drama that unfolded behind-the-scenes over the appointment of a Chief Minister for Eastern Province still remains a lesser known factor. It came after President Mahinda Rajapaksa swore in Sivanesathurai Chanthirakanthan, better known by his nom de guerre Pillayan, as Chief Minister (CM) of the Eastern Province. That was at the auspicious hour of 6.05 p.m. on Friday May 16.

Highly incensed over the event was Mohamed Lebbe Alim Mohamed Hisbullah. Lured by the prospects of becoming Chief Minister, he had quit the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) only weeks earlier. He joined the pro-Government All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) to contest the Eastern Provincial Council (EPC) and won.

He declared publicly that President Mahinda Rajapaksa, as well as his brother, senior Presidential Advisor, Basil Rajapaksa, had promised the post of Chief Minister to him. On the contrary, it was given to Pillayan, leader of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal - TMVP - (or the Tamil People's Liberation Tigers), which has the dubious distinction of being both a political party as well as a paramilitary group.

Hisbullah, a graduate of the Peradeniya University, with an MA in Political Science from the University of Madras, declared in an interview with The Sunday Times last week that by not appointing him CM, President Rajapaksa had betrayed the Muslim community. "Yes, it is a clear betrayal. The President addressed the Eastern Province Muslims via a satellite link and categorically assured a Muslim would be appointed as Chief Minister if a majority of the UPFA (the ruling United People's Freedom Alliance) members elected were Muslims."

He was asked "you were promised the CM's post before the elections but later the President changed his mind. Why? Replied Hisbullah: "I don't know. All that the President told us was that he wanted to finish the war soon and therefore wanted Pillayan to be the CM. I reminded the President of his promise that I would be appointed as CM if a majority of the UPFA members elected were Muslims, but he insisted that Pillayan must be CM."

To demonstrate his protest Hisbullah boycotted Pillayan's swearing-in ceremony. However, just six days after this event, Hisbullah, who accused Rajapaksa of betraying the Muslims, appeared before him. He was sworn in as Minister of Health and Indigenous Medicine, Social Welfare, Probation and Child Care Services, Women's' Affairs, Youth Affairs, Sports, Information Technology, Education, Co-operative Development plus Food Supply and Distribution. Indeed, a veritable one man Cabinet in the EPC if one counts the portfolios. Little wonder, some say, politics is a game with two sides and a low fence.

However, between the swearing-in of Pillayan, and six days later when Hisbullah took his oaths, an intriguing behind-the-scene drama took place. Only a handful in the National Congress (the alliance of United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (Mangala Samaraweera faction) and a few in the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) were aware. The Sunday Times re-constructed the story after speaking to sources within.

It was after nightfall (on Friday May 16) when the mobile telephone of former Cabinet Minister and leader of SLFP-(M), Mangala Samaraweera, rang. It was Hisbullah. The conversation began with exchange of pleasantries. He was still grateful to Samaraweera for the help extended in advancing his political career in the past years. He was even more grateful that his one time Minister of Posts and Telecommunications (Hisbullah was the Deputy) had not visited the Eastern Province to campaign for the EPC elections. "I knew you did not want to come because I was contesting. I am most grateful for this," declared Hisbullah.
Samaraweera, who had learnt the art of diplomacy serving his last stint as Foreign Minister, probably did not want to contest Hisbullah's assumption. In fact, there were several other reasons why he had not taken part in the EPC election campaign. Firstly, it was on legal advice. A disciplinary inquiry against him by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party was to be taken up last Thursday. He could have been accused of ascending the UNP platform at election rallies in the East. This is on the basis that the National Congress was not contesting polls. That politico-legal technicality apart, there was a more important question. The Police security detail assigned to him was inadequate to tour the East. Moreover, he had been in the UK for well over three weeks on a personal visit - on astrological advice. Samaraweera was informed by the SLFP on Thursday that the disciplinary inquiry against him has been indefinitely put off. It was ostensibly because a member of the inquiry team was indisposed. However, it had turned out that the member in question is healthy. Whether the move has other forebodings from the Government side is still not clear.

With the niceties over, Hisbullah, now snubbed over the Chief Minister affaire, raised an all-important issue. He said he wanted to join hands to work with UNP leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe and SLMC leader, Rauf Hakeem. In other words, he was making an offer to cross over to the Opposition again. Hisbullah had recounted the sequence of events during talks with President Rajapaksa on Thursday May 15. In his interview last week, he told The Sunday Times, "there were heated arguments" when he was told to support Pillayan for the post of Chief Minister. "I refused and walked out," he said.

However, Hisbullah told Samaraweera that President Rajapaksa was so angry during the discussions that he nearly assaulted him. This was after Hisbullah had kept on insisting that the promise given to appoint him as Chief Minister be kept. In politics, President Rajapaksa had explained, scrupulously adhering to promises was not always possible. A delegation of farmers would meet him and he would make several promises. Some may not be fulfilled and that was a reality Hisbullah should understand, he had said.

Samaraweera told Hisbullah he was reluctant to play the role of a broker. However, he assured that Hisbullah's offer to "closely work with Wickremesinghe and Hakeem" would be conveyed to the duo. He promised to contact him if and when a response was received. Samaraweera later briefed both the UNP and the SLMC leaders about the Hisbullah telephone call.

Wickremesinghe, who was also smarting after Opposition parties lost the EPC polls, seemed receptive. He was conscious of the political advantages that could be gained by using Hisbullah against the Government. Moreover, he had learnt that if there was no settlement over the Hisbullah dispute, President Rajapaksa had decided to delay the convening of the first sittings of the EPC. However, Hakeem was more sceptical and wanted more time to think it over. He opined that Hisbullah was a dicey customer and he needed time to think over the Hisbullah overture. More so since, the man had left the SLMC only weeks earlier.

Whether Wickremesinghe and Hakeem concurred over the move is still not clear. But Samaraweera on Saturday (May 17) conveyed a response to Hisbullah over the telephone. The Opposition was willing to consider working closely with him if he only agreed to move a vote of no confidence against Chief Minister Pillayan at the EPC. Such a move, if successful, would have placed the Government in a delicate situation. If the ruling party won the EPC polls to foist a provincial government, a no-confidence motion would have only paved the way for opposition parties to seize power and foist one. That is despite a loss at the polls. An assurance was sought from Hisbullah.

"I will call you back on Tuesday (May 20) Sir," replied Hisbullah. That call never came. Instead, Hisbullah, who screamed about the injustice done to the Muslim community in the East, had resumed negotiations with Government leaders to strike a deal. One of the intermediaries was the non-Cabinet rank Minister for Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services, Rishard Bathiuddin. Thus, a vociferous champion for Muslim rights in the East, not only accepted Pillayan as Chief Minister but also a basket of portfolios officially handed down by him. Ironically, for Hisbullah, President Rajapaksa, whom he accused of betraying the Muslim community six days earlier, had to swear him in six days later.

In these columns last week, I quoted a highly placed Government source as saying Hisbullah's move to function as an "independent group" will not make the working of the Eastern Provincial Council untenable. This came after Hisbullah wrote to the Governor of Eastern Province, Rear Admiral (retired) Mohan Wijewickrema, informing of his decision, together with two other members to function as an independent group. The report said quoting a highly placed Government source as adding: "He is very much with us. He has an electorate to explain things. Thus, he will have to take up a position for the time being but not for too long." How true. The position Hisbullah took up did not last more than six days. The attraction of provincial portfolios was too much to resist.

Within hours of his assuming office as a Minister of the EPC, Hisbullah turned troubleshooter both for Rajapaksa and Pillayan. He was despatched from Colombo to Kattankudy in an Air Force helicopter to quell a tense situation that had developed. This was after one of Pillayan's close confidants, Shanthan alias K. Sasheetharan and his bodyguard were shot dead. TMVP cadres had allegedly shot dead three others - two Muslims and a Sinhala driver - causing high tension in the town area.

In his first ever message to the Tamil speaking people of the East as Chief Minister (My number CM/PR/01/2008 dated May 23), Pillayan was cautious enough not to accuse the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) directly for the murder of his colleague. Here is the full translated English text of his statement issued in Tamil:

"On behalf of all Tamils and Muslims who stand for unity I strongly condemn the brutal assassination of two TMVP members by an armed group in Kathankudy.

"We have got an opportunity after20 years to rebuild the Eastern Province which was devastated. To rebuild and redevelop the area, the understanding and ethnic harmony among all three communities is very important.

"We have now returned to the democratic mainstream. This type of attacks against our members will destroy the hopes of the people who have faith in democracy. Creating such a situation will help insurgents to gain victory in this soil.

"After the east is liberated from the terrorists, our people have been able to move freely and our people are living with lot of hope about their future. People are entitled to freedom of movement, guarantee of security and protection of their political rights.

"Whatever the force that tries to disturb the situation will be brought before the law. Otherwise, we cannot build ethnic harmony in this soil. We would like to draw the international attention about this attack on our members. Also our deepest sympathies to the family members of those who were killed in the violence. I thank the Security Forces for restoring the law and order situation."

It is not only in his first public message that Pillayan had avoided making direct reference to the LTTE or making pointed accusations against them. Throughout the EPC election campaign, in speeches made, he carefully avoided them. Similarly, the LTTE has also not pointedly directed any stinging criticism against Pillayan.

However, the new CM is still a target of the LTTE. Police have uncovered evidence of attempts by Tiger guerrillas in two instances to assassinate Pillayan. One was the May 16 attack by a suicide bomber who rammed his motorcycle on a Police riot squad bus. Another is a plot that has been uncovered by the Police in Trincomalee.

On the international front, a significant development this week was Sri Lanka's defeat at the United Nations General Assembly vote to secure a seat in the world body's Human Rights Council. Fifteen seats on the 47-member council were filled in the election during the UN General Assembly, in which six candidates competed for the four open seats reserved for Asian countries. The UN assembly elected Japan with 155 votes, South Korea with 139, Pakistan with 114, and Bahrain with 142 votes. Sri Lanka failed to win a seat with 101 votes, as did the new state of Timor Leste (East Timor), which garnered 92 votes.

Foreign Minister Rohita Bogollagama, had boasted only last week that Sri Lanka was sure of a seat. His Cabinet colleague, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Minister for Human Rights and Disaster Management, looking for scapegoats after the defeat castigated three Nobel laureates - former US President Jimmy Carter, Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa and Adolfo Prez Esquivel of Argentina. All three had urged that Sri Lanka be not admitted to the UN Council. Samarasinghe charged their statements were "irresponsible" and declared they should have either contacted the Government or the Sri Lanka diplomatic missions in their countries to ascertain "the correct situation."

The new policy of blaming all others and insisting that "we are always right" appears to be all too common now. On the one hand, the Minister in charge of the conduct of Sri Lanka's foreign policy claimed he was sure the country would win a seat. On the other, his Cabinet colleague who loves to be in the Foreign Minister's shoes claims the Nobel laureates should have contacted the Government or the Sri Lankan missions. Who is right? Bogollagama or Samarasinghe. An all important question that begs answer is what the Government of Sri Lanka and its diplomatic missions do.

If Samarasinghe says what these world figures is so crucial to have defeated the Sri Lanka Government, why could the Government not reach out to the Nobel laureates instead of expecting the eminent men as well as all others to come to the Government or its diplomatic missions? In an act of self-pity, it is now claimed that Sri Lanka won 101 votes. A corollary to that argument would be that the world's newest country, Timor Leste had won 92 votes - just 9 votes less than Sri Lanka, a long standing member of the UN. The fact remains that Sri Lanka lost its seat and no amount of verbal bashing is going to restore that position. Worse enough, Media Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa has declared at a news conference that Sri Lanka's defeat was the result of a campaign by local and international nongovernmental organisations. That is a public admission that these two bodies had together defeated a 'powerful' Government.

In truth, this is a good time for the Government to do some soul-searching on the way it is conducting its foreign policy. Analysts say that Sri Lanka got no support whatsoever from the Latin American other than from Venezuela, Columbia, and Ecuador. Caribbean countries never bother voting for Sri Lanka, other than Jamaica while Africa has lost its links with Sri Lanka in the post-Sirima Bandaranaike era. There was little support from the West. Those who would have supported Sri Lanka would have been those which had reciprocals with Sri Lanka, i.e. contra deals to support their candidatures in the Security Council or the International Court of Justice and ITIOS (Law of the Sea Tribunal).

In the Eastern European camp, only Belarus, Macedonia, Serbia etc., (the former Yugoslavia) have voted, and the 51 member OIC - the Islamic Organisation countries would have, in this instance voted for Pakistan - despite its calling some of the Palestinian guerrilla groups "terrorists", and for its pro-US stance, and for oil-rich Bahrain. Japan and South Korea are on a different league what with their cheque-book diplomacy.

It was the two Asian giants India and China that backed Sri Lanka strongly, India mainly due to the fact that Pakistan was vying for a seat. Other SAARC countries, including the Maldives also backed Sri Lanka - as it turned out against Bahrain, as Pakistan is also a SAARC member.

Instead of turning the searchlight inward, the Government vent its wrath on all and sundry for its defeat. State media channels, Dinamina, Rupavahini and SLBC ran coordinated stories that Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and a local businessman Noel Selvanayagam, whom they said was an 'LTTE sympathizer' were responsible for discrediting the Government in Germany at the time of the vote. That they were jointly working to have the EU cancel the GPS+ duty-free facilities for Sri Lankan exports.

Wickremesinghe on the contrary was in Germany to speak at a seminar commemorating 50 years of German foundation Friedrich Naumann Stiftung that works in Sri Lanka, and left for Brussels yesterday to check out the EU's demands to restore these duty-free facilities on some 7,000 items Sri Lankan businessmen export to the EU countries. And Selvanayagam is in Germany in connection with the purchase of equipment for the reconstruction of the 600,000 sq ft. Karapitiya Hospital that is being funded by the former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl after the tsunami. Selavanayagam, a onetime director of the Export Development Board, has been engaged in Government trade delegations with Ministers Sarath Amunugama, G.L. Peiris and Nimal Siripala de Silva, all to Germany, but none of them came to his defence when the state media labelled him an 'LTTE sympathizer'.

Barely 24 hours after Sri Lanka's failure to secure a seat at the UN Human Rights Council, world attention was drawn again to Sri Lanka. On Friday night, Associate Editor and defence writer of Nation, Keith Noyahr was abducted, roughed up and released. No amount of blasting Desmond Tutu, Jimmy Carter, or Ranil Wickremesinghe for the Government's defeat would hold water any more.

The huff, puff and the bluff