Last week's elections to the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Councils were different from all previous ones in many respects. It delivered different messages to the victor and the vanquished.
For the victor, the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, it was an overwhelming voter endorsement of the on-going military campaign against Tiger guerrillas. Weeks ahead of the polls, a focused media campaign had highlighted how defeat was staring in the face of the guerrillas who were losing both territory and cadres. Their stronghold of Kilinochchi was within reach of the Security Forces, voters were told.
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Flanked by his two chief ministerial candidates, a besieged opposition leader is seen addressing a news conference and defending his party’s poor show at last Saturday’s PC elections.
Pic bySanka Vidanagama |
That it came when Government leaders themselves were apprehensive of the outcome of the polls made it even sweeter. Brisk polling on Saturday, August 23, had only made them apprehensive of the outcome. A large voter turn out, they feared, portended bad omen. In Colombo, telephone conversations amongst ruling party leaders reflected one of fear and gloom.
However, on Sunday (August 24) it became clear the UPFA had won all the electorates in the two provinces. In the NCP it had secured 307,457 votes securing 20 seats. It garnered an impressive 56.37 per cent of the votes. Its main rival, the UNP, polled only 205,284 securing 12 seats. It obtained 37.64 per cent of the votes. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) secured only 26,738 votes which accounted for only 4.9 per cent of the votes polled. It won just one seat.
In Sabaragamuwa the UPFA had secured 472,789 votes winning 25 seats. This constituted 55.34 per cent of the votes cast. The UNP polled 346,321 votes which was 40.53 per cent of the votes cast. The JVP polled 19,068 votes winning two seats. It polled only 2.23 per cent of the total votes cast. The Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) was wiped out from Sabaragamuwa PC where it previously held one seat since 1993. It polled a paltry 10,163, but it was entitled to a legitimate complaint, that many of its supporters were sent home as they did not possess their National Identity Cards (NICs) or some other valid identity document.
"There is no doubt the public opinion represented with the outcome of the polls is representative of the entire country," declared President Rajapaksa. He said "the strength and morale that our heroic troops will receive from this victory in their battles to finally end bloody terrorism from our country is immeasurable."
The main opposition UNP's first, if not the only official response, came from its General Secretary Tissa Attanayake. He declared that his party had been able to increase its representation in the two Provincial Councils despite blatant abuse of State resources by the Government during the polls campaign. This is by receiving more votes. Of course, Attanayake was making a comparison with the two Provincial Council elections in 2006. In saying this, he appears to have lost sight of another fact. The UNP had polled even more votes during the Presidential elections of November 2005.
Attanayake's assertions to be defiant even in defeat could not deflect the dilemma of the UNP. The party's two chief ministerial candidates, retired Major General Janaka Perera and film idol turned politician Ranjan Ramanayake rejected the results. Both charged that there were widespread thuggery, intimidation and threats to voters. Perera who was accused of parachuting into the NCP wants to prove his critics wrong. He has decided to make Anuradhapura his home and has plans to begin a parliamentary career from that district.
But as expected, the worst fall out was on Opposition UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Hours ahead of the party's Working Committee meeting on Thursday, four party parliamentarians - Johnston Fernando, Lakshman Seneviratne, Thalatha Athukorale and Indika Bandaranayake - were to deliver a stern message to Wickremesinghe. They wanted him to step down from being the party leader. They argued that since 1994, the UNP had been facing electoral defeats under his leadership, and that the party had no future under his stewardship. They even suggested a way out for Wickremesinghe, to adopt the role of Ms. Sonia Gandhi in India's ruling Congress Party - the power behind the throne, so to say.
No sooner had the meeting ended; the foursome had told the media that Wickremesinghe had agreed to their demand. Without attributing the remarks to them, however, sections of the media were replete with reports of his exit. To the contrary, sources close to Wickremesinghe said, he defended his role and declared there was no reason why he should step down. He cautioned the foursome seeking a change in leadership not to fall prey to machinations of scheming Government politicians. They were only attempting to create dissension within the UNP and thus destroy the party, he had said.
As news spread in the party grapevine about the meeting of the foursome with the leader at his office in Cambridge Place, many thought that the meeting of the Working Committee the same evening would be a stormy one. However, a demand for the leader to step down did not come up. Instead, the issue appeared to have been somewhat cushioned with the Working Committee taking up for discussion a report by six senior members on effecting reforms. Joseph Michael Perera, Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, Renuka Herath, Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake, Saratchandra Rajakaruna and John Ameratunga had formulated the two-page report.
A highlight of the report was pruning down powers of the party leader and broad basing the decision making process. Thus, even if the leader of the party did not step down, his role would become limited, his wings clipped. Others would play a more participatory role. This was by effecting amendments to the UNP Constitution to make provision for a Deputy Leader and three Assistant Leaders.
Though the names were not mentioned at the Working Committee meeting, the name of Rukman Senanayake is being suggested as the Deputy Leader, with the three Assistant Leaders being S.B. Dissanayake, Gamini Jayawickrama Perera and Sajith Premadasa.
The three-hour session of the Working Committee devoted most of the time to discuss the party reforms. Of the four, only Lakshman seneviratne and Johnston Fernando spoke about the party reforms inside the Working Committee. Fernando made a telling remark referring to the statement made by Ramanayake on the platform during the Sabaragamuwa campaign. With Wickremesinghe by his side, he is reported to have said, that the party leader had "Kal arinna degree" or a 'Postponing Degree'. This was apparently prompted by a statement made by Wickremesinghe that the Chief Minister will be picked after the elections. Fernando said that these were the new recruits of Wickremesinghe.
Seneviratne had asked that the party revert to the UNP Constitution during the D.S. Senanayake era, when the party leader was not all that powerful. Ranjit Madduma Bandara (Monaragala) asked him for a copy of the D.S. Senanayake (UNP) Constitution before they could comment on it. There was none provided.
Sensing a heated discussion developing, senior party member John Amaratunga urged " Meka bedanna nathuwa karanna oney" (Must do this without splitting the party), while Vajira Abeywardene (Galle) and Renuka Herath (Nuwara Eliya) spoke in favour of Wickremesinghe's leadership. There were allegations thrown around about "certain elements" going to ask for Ministries from the President, and the role of some party members plotting and scheming from the sidelines. Then, Kotte parliamentarian Ravi Karunanayake was to move that matters relating to party reforms be concluded before September 15. This was accepted.
Last week's provincial council elections also figured. Gamini Jayawickrema Perera was to move that they should "get to the bottom of what happened." He was alluding to how the UPFA received such a victory. He also spoke about the campaign in Anuradhapura while Lakshman Kiriella spoke of the events in Anuradhapura, but S.B. Dissanayake who spearheaded the Sabaragamuwa campaign remained tight-lipped.
The Working Committee appointed two separate Committees to examine the reasons. One headed by Jayawickrema Perera will include Janaka Perera, lawyers and party officials. They will probe the outcome of the NCP elections. Another led by John Ameratunga comprising Ranjan Ramanayake, lawyers and party officials will probe the outcome of the Sabararagamuwa PC polls. Both Committees comprise seven members each.
One of the main aspects to be probed by the two Committees is how the party faced defeat despite polls surveys predicting the contrary. Some members opined that there were large-scale malpractices with even some sections of the state security apparatus being involved. Whether these probes can come up with any evidence to confirm such activity seems highly unlikely. Another aspect is the way the Government marketed the ongoing separatist war through the state media. Some UNP members argue that there were exaggerated claims like troops having moved into Kilinochchi heartland though it is yet to happen.
Reforms or not, the crisis for the UNP leader is not over. Within hours of his meeting, one of the rebel MPs, Johnston Fernando told BBC's Sandeshaya that Wickremesinghe had been a failure throughout. He was thus echoing the sentiments of 17 other UNPers who have since joined Government ranks. Another had told a local tv station, "Api mehama giyoth, hombenn thamai yanna wenne" or, "if we go on like this, we will have to go on all fours very soon". Thus, Wickremesinghe loyalists believe this campaign has its roots in both the Government and the dissident UNP faction.
On the other hand, backers of the newest set of dissidents within the UNP contend that there was urgent need for change in the party. It is imperative the party's image in the public eye is changed, they argue. One such area, it is pointed out, is in respect of the ethnic conflict. They say that the party's policy of offering a federal solution or a political solution was not clearly defined. It has created an impression that the party was too soft on Tiger guerrillas, a charge which the Wickremesinghe faction strongly denies, but is clearly not with the public mood.
The crisis within the UNP also comes as a dampener on another front. Sri Lanka Freedom Party (M- faction) leader, Mangala Samaraweera, broke silence last week to highlight this aspect. Defending UNP leader Wickremesinghe, Samaraweera hit out at members in that party who had "too many agendas." He said those persons wanted the party to remain in the opposition until 2017.
Samaraweera is pushing hard to revive the National Congress as an umbrella body of all major opposition parties. He wants the primary objective of that joint front to be the abolition of the executive presidency. Samaraweera wants to bring in the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress also into the same alliance.
He wants such an alliance or the Congress to agree on a common candidate for any upcoming presidential election. He feels the Congress could also act jointly with the JVP on common issues against the Government. But, the crisis within the UNP will no doubt delay the process. This means a broad Opposition front against the Government will not be a reality in the immediate future.
For the JVP, the message from the outcome of last week's polls was more devastating. If the party won over 150,000 votes in the NCP and Sabaragamuwa PCs in 2006, it had dwindled to less than 46,000 votes last week. Has the voter base of the JVP eroded? JVP leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe also charged state thuggery, intimidation and harassment of voters for his party's defeat this week.
The party's erstwhile parliamentary group leader and now head of the National Freedom Front (NFF), Wimal Weerawansa, held a different view. He said there was a need for change in leadership. He wants the JVP membership to oust the present leadership so the party can work in unison with the NFF. It is a far cry and his appeal could be no more than nuisance value for JVP.
Last week's developments have led to speculation in political circles over more Provincial Council elections or possible parliamentary elections. Both the UNP and the JVP leaders had called for the latter. However, highly placed Government sources say none would come immediately. The focus will shift to the battlefields where troops are fighting bitter battles on the outer fringe of the Kilinochchi district.
These sources added, "there is no question of a parliamentary election at this point of time. It will only help Wickremesinghe. At present, he is the leader of a UNP sans 17 MPs (who are backing the Government). The call for parliamentary elections may be only a ruse for him to enhance the number of his party MPs from the present strength. Why doesn't he ask for a Presidential elction?"
But the party will have to do much more than make alterations to the Buddha statue it has put up at its headquarters at Kotte to bring it good fortune.
At this week's Working Committee meeting, the UNP had even discussed the Buddha statue issue. Former President Junius Jayewardene had been quite concerned that there was a prominent businessman's tomb just as one stepped out of the headquarters. He had wanted something done about it. So, they set about filling up an empty pond situated inside the party premises, and erected a Buddha statue on it. But a new problem arose. The back of the statue faced the road - considered another bad omen.
The statue had been erected hurriedly before the provincial elections, and now there were those finding fault with the way it was facing. Party hardliners were saying that even a simple thing like this was not properly carried out. - or entrusted to the wrong people. Wickremesinghe himself said that some alterations will be done to rectify this anomaly.
It only goes to show that when things go wrong, everything seems to be going wrong. It never rains, but pours for some. And, the UNP has miles to go, it seems, to regain the glory of its 1977 electoral triumph, when everything went right for it. |