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We have to get together to put house in order

By Anthony David

United National Front leader Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday allayed fears of a military rule if Gen. (retd.) Sarath Fonseka was voted to power and expressed confidence he would honour his promises.

“As far as we are concerned, Gen. (retd.) Fonseka will honour his promises,” he told the Sunday Times in an interview. Mr. Wickremesinghe said, “The balance could be maintained since the UNP and JVP are both involved,” and added the retired General could run a caretaker Government. He noted that the abolition of the Executive Presidency will come up only at the end of a general elections.
Here are edited excerpts of a Q & A:

Q: How did you get involved in a dialogue with Gen. Sarath Fonseka?

At first, we discussed among ourselves what will happen if there is a sudden parliamentary or Presidential election. The President himself had indicated that there would be a Presidential election in 2009 or early 2010 before the end of the Parliamentary term. In the last stages we anticipated a Parliamentary election.

By that time the UNP had taken a decision that we should abolish the Executive Presidency. We conveyed that to fellow members in the UNP and we formed the United National Front. During these discussions there also emerged the possibility of a Presidential election and who should be the presidential candidate. So all parties in the opposition, even the TNA was for the abolition of the executive Presidency.

It would have been odd for different parties to put different candidates. Various names were mentioned as a common candidate. In the meantime, the differences between Gen. Sarath Fonseka and the government was coming into the open. Gen. Fonseka seemed to have been dissatisfied by the way the post-war scenario was handled. The discussions also turned to whether Gen. Fonseka would be interested in contesting the Presidential election and whether he would be nominated from any other political party in which case it would have been a three cornered contest.

Q: Did he show an interest ?

Some people around him showed interest in that matter. I also happened to meet Gen. Fonseka and I also spoke to him when he was in the US regarding the controversy when he was asked to come for an interview. My advice was that he could go for the interview, but he could refused to answer the questions which was within the range of the government of Sri Lanka.

In the meantime we were carrying out our own survey. It seemed that the best choice was to have a common candidate. In our present system the voter has a second preference. The second preference is a rather complicated system. Rather than lose votes on the issue on how to handle the second preference the simple method was to have a choice of carrying on with the same or have a change.

This is the time we met Gen. Fonseka and started talking to him. By that time Gen. Fonseka had decided to leave the military and the government. In the subsequent discussions with the UNF and subsequently with the JVP, the idea was that we should have a common candidate, abolish the Executive Presidency and hold Parliamentary elections.

There were further discussions on the role of the Presidency, after abolishing the Executive Presidency. Since he would receive a mandate, Gen. Fonseka himself said he believed the President should have a role to play. We all agreed that there should be a role for the President including the right to send papers to cabinet and discuss matters with the cabinet of ministers.

Q:Did he also want the responsibility of fighting corruption ?

He said if he brought forward a pledge to fight corruption how would we do it. We said there was a need for an independent agency. The Bribery and Corruption Commission has failed. While that is functioning there can be a body campaigning against corruption headed by the President involving the Prime Minister and Leader of the opposition. But it should not be dominated by politicians. Like the Constitutional Council it should be non political figures.

I also suggested that he could chair the National Health Council which is now headed by the Prime Minister. It involves the National Health Policy.

The 10 pledges have become a minimum common programme. All parties are supporting it. It is only the SLFP that is not in the fold. I am sure after the election they will come into the fold too.

Q:It is often asked why you chose not to contest. How do you explain that?

We had decided to abolish the Executive Presidency. Even if I contested I would have to be the President and then go around the country campaigning to abolish the post and asking the people to elect UNF members to Parliament and bring the Presidency to focus without being out of it. Secondly it is not practical for a JVP candidate and a UNF candidate to contest. It is much better for one person who is not a member of a political party to contest. So he could carryon as the non-executive President. I have no problem in leading as the Prime Minister and the cabinet. I have done so under two executive Presidents.

Q:That brings us to the question about the Prime Minister in the Interim Government, are you hoping for that ?

We have not decided on the interim government. But the party with the largest majority in Parliament will have the Prime Minister. The Interim Cabinet should have all parties represented.

Q:There are allegations of bribery and corruption, misconduct and violations of laws, will there be action against those persons under a new government ?

Anyone who has broken the law has to be prosecuted and punished in accordance with the law. There are many corruption charges against the members of the Rajapaksa family. Many things have to be explained. Tender procedures have not been followed or have been changed. Economist Prof. Indraratna, has said two per cent of the GDPs goes for corruption. I would say it is more. The whole system of corruption is a result of the family rule.

Each one takes his share which is like the tax farming system under the French kings before the revolution. I take my share of tax farming you take your share of tax farming and finally at the end of the day there was no revenue for the state and the king had to keep on taxing and the people turned against the monarchy.

That’s what has happened here. What has happened to the foreign loans? What is the development that we have done with it. There is the whole issue of the LTTE assets that stinks. Keheliya Rambukwella has admitted that there were 14 ships of which five belonged to KP and three were sailing to Sri Lanka. They have identified 600 large accounts of the LTTE. On December 2, he said discussions were being held with the Attorney General as to how to deal with the properties and how to confiscate them. So far only one ship has been brought to the country. What has happened to the other two? Did they sink like the Titanic?

Q:You talked about the war. There are the so called war crimes, the US state Department report and the recent correspondence of Philip Alstone. What are your views?

As far as the international tribunals on war crimes are concerned it does not apply to Sri Lanka. We did not sign that treaty. The US congress report is about the allegations made against the government and the LTTE with regard to war crimes.

They say it must be inquired into, basically a document which can be used by the Senate to start a Senate Investigation. It does not amount to anything more. What is significant is the statement in that report recommendations that any US citizen involved in war crimes either on behalf of the LTTE or the government would lose his citizenship. So far we have not come across any LTTE member who is a US citizen who has been accused of war crimes.

LTTEers accused of war crimes are citizens of Sri Lanka. Then the finger points only at the government and the US citizens in the government. This is a serious issue. The government has to answer this. The US citizens here will have to answer to the Amercian government. It was their option to become American citizens. The President is trying to use this. The fact is he is trying to save his own brother. If he said he is going to take the blame, why doesn’t he take the blame, instead of shouting at Gen. Fonseka.

As far as Alston’s report is concerned, when the Channel 4 video came out, we asked the government to send it for verification and to say that if it is verified and correct we will launch investigations into that. The government did not do that, they just kept bluffing. Finally there are three reports. We should have got our own report and sent it to Alston and said these are the measures we are going to take.

Q:You have been a critique of Gen Fonseka when the war was conducted. How do you compare him during the war and the present position ?

I have criticized some of the policies in the conduct of any war and also said some of the policies were correct. Similarly the war had two aspects. One was taking away the military capability of the LTTE and secondly was the reconciliation. The reconciliation has not been taking place.

That is where you have the basis for a new campaign. It may not be a terrorist army like the LTTE. It can be terrorism in some other way. So these are some of the aspects I have taken up. As far as the war is concerned we had to keep fighting and pushing forward. Gen Fonseka has done that. The LTTE it self, for some reason which we cannot find out now was unable to device a strategy to face the advancing army.

But in a democracy the conduct of the military strategy has to be discussed in parliament. You have to say what is right is right and what is wrong is wrong which I have done as the leader of the opposition from 1995 and as Prime Minister and minister earlier. In the situation you had to take on the LTTE and keep going. That part I have already admitted and Gen. Fonseka had the ability to forge ahead.

Q:On Law and Order your views ?

Without the Independent Police Commission you cannot have an efficient police. That alone is not sufficient. If you want law and order you must reorganize the police and retain your police. Most who are taken to the police have been trained only in anti –terrorist work or what is equivalent to civil defence work. You have to train people in community policing and modern techniques. We are one country without a Highway Police, we do not have sufficient traffic police.

In many countries police is large than our police, but consists of individual units. They control only a few thousands so they have an intimate knowledge about the people under them. Together with that there is the need to have an independent judicial system. They have to protect the rights of the people, not safeguarding the government. These are inter connected. Law and order has become a big issue. We have to ensure that any one who breaks the law is prosecuted. MPs are not beyond the law.

Q:Comment on the outcome of the polls on January 26

A brighter future without the Rajapaksas. It is the last opportunity in Sri Lanka to build ourselves, not only economically, but also socially and politically. We have to get together and put the house in order. There is no use of harassing people because of their political beliefs.

We have to bring the SLFP into this. It is a golden opportunity. All other parties are working together. With a President, with a Parliament and cabinet which exercise executive powers at the centre this is the time to heal the country in a process of reconciliation. If that works there is no turning back for Sri Lanka. We are going to develop irrespective of what party is in power. We need only 10 years the country will have booming economy.

Q: Gen. Fonseka may ditch the UNP and the JVP and turn to the military to support him after the election victory. This is a concern of many people. What are the safeguards you have, if he reneges on his pledges?

It is difficult to do that because he can't run the government. Initially, there will only be a caretaker government. As far as we are concerned, Gen. Fonseka will honour the promises. The question of abolishing the Executive Presidency comes up only in the new parliament. I can't see a situation where Sri Lanka will go for a military rule. The balance could be maintained as the UNP and JVP are involved.

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