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Muslim fundamentalism: Gotabaya and Hakeem
Gotabaya Rajapaksa: Post Conflict Sri Lanka: Challenges and Regional Stability
The theme selected for this year’s Defence Seminar is “Post-Conflict Sri Lanka-Challenges and Regional Stability”. This is a particularly appropriate theme in the present context. Sri Lanka has had considerable problems in the last three decades. In 1983, the country suffered from riots that raged for 5 days without effective state intervention.
During the 1986 to 1989 period, people were frequently abducted, tortured and killed as the country veered towards barbarism and anarchy with the second JVP insurrection. And for nearly thirty years until the end of the war in 2009, Sri Lanka suffered through the brutal terrorism of the LTTE, whose countless targeted killings, indiscriminate bombings and armed attacks killed numerous innocent civilians and led to a paralysis of day to day life.
After its liberation from terrorism through the Humanitarian Operation, and with democracy being restored to every part of the island, Sri Lanka is now one of the most peaceful and stable countries in the entire world. However, there are still a number of challenges that the country faces.
Now that the war is over and the most significant post-war challenges, including the revival of democracy have been accomplished, it is absolutely essential that Sri Lanka moves swiftly forward. We must evolve from being locked in a post-conflict mentality, and look to the future instead of forever grappling with the issues of the past. We must be willing to move forward as a nation, united by what we have in common instead of being divided by the differences we have between us.
In addition to these overarching challenges of achieving national unity and meaningful economic development, there are a number of other challenges that we in Sri Lanka need to be mindful of. These include
- Preventing the re-emergence of terrorism
- Establishing effective methods to project Sri Lanka to the international community
- Suppressing the emergence of other extremist groups
- Preventing further ethnic divisions and communal violence
- Challenges of maritime security and border control
- Curtailing the growth of organised crime, and
- New challenges in safeguarding a just and wholesome democracy.
Although the war ended in 2009, the re-emergence of terrorism is still a threat. One of the main reasons for the LTTE’s success during its heyday was its extensive international network, which had been in operation for many decades. Extremist elements within the expatriate Tamil community support this network, which today comprises such groups as the Tamil Coordinating Committee which is based in Norway and led by Nediyawan, the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam led by Rudrakumaran, and the LTTE Headquarter group which is based in France and headed by Vinayagam. All of these LTTE-linked groups are coordinated by the Global Tamils Forum led by the so-called Father Emmanuel, and have one overarching objective. Their intention is the division of Sri Lanka and the establishment of a separate state for Tamil Eelam. There are several strategies through which they will try to achieve their objective. These include winning of international opinion for the separatist cause, increasing international pressure on Sri Lanka, undermining the Government’s efforts for reconciliation and economic development, and pushing for the resumption of conflict through reorganising local militant activities in Sri Lanka.
Some of the efforts of these LTTE-linked groups have been successful to a certain extent. Despite Sri Lanka’s many post-war achievements, its internal affairs have featured on the agenda of many prominent international NGOs and even at the UNHRC sessions. The recent visit to Sri Lanka by the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner is another instance of this attention. This has been accomplished mostly by the actions of the LTTE linked groups, which have many trained LTTE cadres and operatives who are now fully engaged in propaganda activities. It is also important to realise that there are groups even within the democratic mainstream in Sri Lanka that obtain funding from pro-LTTE elements overseas. They more or less openly talk about achieving the very same objectives that the LTTE had. Even though they appear to have a democratic face, their actions and remarks clearly show that the extremist separatist ideology has not yet fully disappeared. Their ultimate objective is achieving the division of Sri Lanka. As a result of their actions and statements, it is possible that radical elements will feel empowered to once again attempt to take up arms against the state in the name of separation.
While taking every possible countermeasure to prevent the recurrence of terrorism in Sri Lanka, the country also faces the significant challenge of effectively countering the LTTE’s propaganda machine. During the Humanitarian Operation and for a long time afterwards, the true picture about what happened during the war has been obscured by the LTTE’s false propaganda. Unfortunately, it is a fact that low middle-income nations such as Sri Lanka do not have the resources necessary to shape foreign opinion through the media. It is therefore up to the Foreign Service and the Foreign Ministry to communicate the true picture about what took place in Sri Lanka during and after the war to the outside world. This is a serious challenge that must be faced despite significant resource constraints.
Sri Lanka also faces possible threats from other extremist groups, including those involved in previous insurgencies. Some of these groups are trying to reorganise within Sri Lanka and mobilise people to once again take up extreme left wing causes. Even today, it can be seen that there are attempts to radicalise students and even the public and encourage them to take to the streets in various protests on various pretexts.
The indication of increasing communalism amongst ethnic groups is another cause for concern. The increased insularity of ethnic groups was visible during the three decades of conflict in Sri Lanka, and it is a matter of some concern that this separation still persists under conditions of peace and stability. The fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity into ethno-religious identification is not only unfortunate in itself, but it can also lead to other problems in the long term. For example, it is clear that there are some in the Tamil community who identify more with the Tamil community of Tamil Nadu than with their fellow Sri Lankans.
Similarly, it has been observed that there are some foreign groups that wish to encourage Sri Lankan Muslims to identify themselves more with the global Muslim community, thereby reducing their integration with the rest of the population. It is a known fact that Muslim Fundamentalism is spreading all over the world and in this region. This is a situation that our Law Enforcement agencies and Security Forces are concerned about, particularly as there have been instances where extremist elements were found in transit in Sri Lanka and were arrested and handed over to appropriate authorities. The possibility that such extremist elements may try to promote Muslim extremism in Sri Lanka is a cause for concern.
One of the consequences of the increasing insularity amongst minority ethnic groups is the emergence of hard line groups within the majority community. This in turn causes further tensions amongst other communities, which leads to a vicious cycle of greater fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity. Sri Lanka had enough divisions in the past that ultimately led to conflict; we must learn the lessons from our past and ensure that history is not repeated. This is a critical challenge that faces the entire nation today.
The maintenance of maritime security is another important concern. As an island, Sri Lanka does not have land borders that it needs to protect, but its responsibilities in terms of maritime security are very great. Preventing various transnational crimes including drugs smuggling, arms smuggling and human trafficking is essential to long-term security. At the same time, the protection of our maritime assets within the Exclusive Economic Zone is also very important, as is safeguarding the Sea Lines of Communication that travel close to Sri Lanka against the threat of piracy.
Organised crime in Sri Lanka is another issue that needs to be addressed. As a result of the rise of terrorism and the insurrections Sri Lanka experienced over the last forty years, and the response required from the state, a large quantity of arms and ammunition fell into the hands of criminals. This led to the rise of the underworld, which engages in organised criminal activities including drugs, armed robberies, kidnappings for ransom and financial frauds. There are also groups that engage in seizing land illegally. Although these underworld activities are not very widespread at this point, tackling this situation before it becomes more of a concern is a challenge for the state.
Looking beyond these domestic issues, it is clear that there are significant issues that Sri Lanka faces due to its strategic geographic position within the South Asian region. As a result of this, there is some inter-linking of domestic issues between Sri Lanka and India. For example, India is very sensitive to events in Sri Lanka because of the large Tamil population in its influential southern state of Tamil Nadu. Particularly during elections, Sri Lanka figures large in Indian power politics. In addition, there are certain bilateral issues that occasionally strain the usually sound relationship between the two nations: for example, the increasing incidence of illegal fishing by Tamil Nadu fishermen in Sri Lankan waters. India is without doubt the most important and powerful country in South Asia, but Sri Lanka is a completely independent sovereign nation, which India is very much aware of and supports. It is critical that both countries retain a meaningful and close relationship despite the issues that sometimes arise between them.
Further afield, Sri Lanka’s cordial relationship with China has sometimes become an issue for other countries because of misperceptions about the nature of China’s influence here. It is important to understand that China’s involvement in Sri Lanka is purely diplomatic and economic. China has been one of Sri Lanka’s foremost development partners for many years, and it has contributed richly to many of Sri Lanka’s key economic development projects. However, this involvement has been misinterpreted to mean that China has undue influence here. In fact, this point has been raised even by the visiting Defence officials of certain important nations. For its part, the Sri Lankan Government has been very clear that its relationship with China is not a threat to any other nation.
Rauff Hakeem’s response to Gotabaya Rajapaksa: Excerpts
The cogency and the relevance of this statement in contemporary domestic and global contexts are understandable. There is indeed a phenomenon of rising consciousness in the Islamic world which is seen as ‘Muslim fundamentalism’ or ‘Militant Islam’ mainly by the non-Islamic world. The most eloquent example is that of the Islamic Republic of Iran which is the global enemy-number-one of the United States of America. This same Nation has extremely cordial relations with Sri Lanka. Similarly, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan too are also often unfairly projected in negative light globally, despite their state actions against militant extremism, but, they remain sincere friends of Sri Lanka who voted in favour of our country at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. It has more to do with ‘perception’ and ‘passion’ and less to do with ‘realty’ or ‘accuracy’.
The observation that the Muslim communities may have some elements with extreme parochial prejudices is both possible and probable. Yet, we are extremely disturbed by the specific reference to the Muslim community of Sri Lanka as possible breeding grounds of extremism within the country. I find it imperative to make this observation in the context of the most vital part of the address made by the Secretary of Defence. He says and I quote:
“If the level of political discourse in Sri Lanka is not raised above these narrow ethno-religious concerns to address the core issues facing all of our people, it will be very difficult for the nation to make progress. In this context, it is particularly important that all of the main political parties work throughout the country to promote the interests of the nation, without focusing on one group or other. It is only when we bring all the ethnicities and cultures of this country together into one Sri Lankan identity that we will truly make progress as a nation.”
The Muslim community of Sri Lanka that has been a historical minority of Sri Lanka from the time of Ancient Sinhala kings fervently hopes to see the State promoting the interests of the Sri Lankan nation , and avoid “focusing on one group or other”.
The minority communities of Sri Lanka would have been genuinely reassured if the words of wisdom of a public officer such as the Secretary of Defence included ‘all communities’ that make up our plural polity. Prejudice and parochialism are neither a minority monopoly nor a disease that the majority community is immune to.
I would like to publicly contradict the assertion of the Secretary of Defence that, “One of the consequences of the increasing insularity amongst minority ethnic groups is the emergence of hard line groups within the majority community.” On the contrary, I wish to say that, it is the intransigence and intolerance of a miniscule minority within the majority community who under the pretence of being defenders of the teachings of the greatest defender of human dignity and non- violence hold the entire populace in helpless anxiety while driving the hapless minorities in to servile insularity.
The “vicious cycle of greater fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity” can only be halted only when the state that is uniformly protective of all its people, leaving matters of religion and culture in the hands of the respective peoples and groups as is the case of all enlightened democracies. Surely, our nation state is mature enough to discern the difference between coexistence and subsistence.
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