Controlling Sri Lanka’s academia
View(s):Several years ago, when Chandrika Kumaratunga came into the scene as a candidate for the presidential elections, the face of Sri Lankan universities changed.
Probably for the first time, a group of academics (believed to be from Peradeniya university) took a stand and supported her candidature in a notice publicised in local newspapers.
This was rather unusual as academics have always remained neutral and independent, apart from their own political affiliations as private citizens.
The rut began then and university academics began taking sides as the years rolled on, either as individuals or groups making public statements of endorsing one party or the other.
However within this space there were respected academics that were independent and (sometimes) chose to avoid comment and critique to the media on political, social and economic issues, rather than incur the wrath of the administration. They spoke but on condition of not being quoted.
That scenario is changing fast. University unions are also highly politicised, making a farce out of the dictum that academics and universities are free-thinkers and independent in their approach to the country’s political, social and economic developments.
While any academic is yet to be dismissed for his/her political beliefs – that day however may not be far away at the way things are going – , the writing is in the wall for the university profession on the freedom of expression and thought.
Universities are funded by the state but are autonomous bodies though in recent years autonomy is just a theory and a façade. Vice Chancellors are chosen by the Senate but these selections must be eventually approved by the head of state, the President, who by all means is not an independent authority (any president for that matter).
More and more university academics are being appointed to state bodies reflecting their association and affiliations, raising issues on their independence in teaching undergraduates.
The latest to ring alarm bells is a government effort to control research undertaken in the universities through an increase in the research allowance to 35 per cent of the monthly salary from 25 per cent earlier. This was a proposal in the 2014 budget presented last November and intended to stimulate more research studies for public good, as the percentage of state funds for academic research, as repeatedly pointed out by Senior Minister and Scientist Prof. Tissa Vitharana, was woefully inadequate compared to research allocations in other countries.
While the increase in funding for research is a notable development, the conditions that are applied to this are what is worrying academics and eventually the public at large. A Treasury circular dated February 11 says that heads of departments of the researchers have to declare that “I personally evaluated the research proposal/assessed the recommendations of the evaluation committee and strongly recommend that this research proposal is in line with the government policies and hence contribute to the development of the country”.
What does one mean by “government policies”? In anyone’s book, it is policies devised by the government that some or a section of the population would disagree with like for instance the widespread corruption that takes place (certainly not a policy but nevertheless resorted to in a big way in awarding contracts). On the other hand, is it government policy to ignore repeated media exposure of dubious government contracts and avoid probing allegations of wrongdoing by many officials say for example the Chairman of the Securities & Exchange Commission?
Very often for independent comments, the media seeks the views of university academics on economic, political and social issues. Access is still open for an expression of views but now the lines of independence are somewhat blurred. This is for the reason that a section of academia has chosen to openly express their loyalties with the government and in some cases with anti-government factions. Independent views have become somewhat of a myth.
In most cases, journalists and the public are left with a question hanging “is (the academic)’s view independent or biased towards a particular group?”
In the past academics and eminent professors were drawn into government committees to express their unbiased views in the development framework. It was not related to government policies and if such policy was a deterrent to development for the benefit of social progress, then such views was firmly and freely expressed without hindrance, intimidation or harassment.
This free-thinking process has changed dramatically in recent times and the latest circular that academic research must “conform to government policy’ if academics are eligible for this research allowance, is another nail in the coffin in the threat to the independence of universities in Sri Lanka. In the absence of a vibrant opposition, academia was the only recourse to express views on anything and everything against a strong government that enforces rules, most often, without any public discourse. Recent developments in the judiciary with the ouster of the former chief justice has left the public with lingering thoughts on whether justice is fair or not.
Academia thus, appeared to be the last line of defence in allowing free-thought without intimidation. That is also slowly disappearing.