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Brand Modi and the execution of a PR coup
View(s):Narendra Modi’s swearing in ceremony was probably the part of the Indian Lok Sabha election that became most visible to the outside world, with the inevitable attention it drew from the international media. Television viewers may have noticed that the ceremony and events that followed were redolent with symbolism, not just of Indian tradition anchored in the historic past, but conveying meaning that resonated across the subcontinent and the rest of the world. Even if audiences didn’t consciously notice, these messages would have had their impact subliminally, positioning ‘Brand Modi’ in a certain way as he took office as India’s 15th prime minister.
The master stroke at the end of Modi’s campaign was of course the invitation to leaders from all seven other members of SAARC, and Mauritius, to attend the swearing in. There were seven national leaders present, with Bangladesh represented by its Speaker only because Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was visiting Japan at the time. It was dubbed a diplomatic coup, but perhaps it might be better described as a public relations coup. The image of the South Asian presidents and prime ministers lining up to shake hands with Modi after he took his oath is iconic, and will be archived to be re-played extensively by news organisations around the world in the years ahead.
While the diplomatic benefits of meetings of national leaders cannot be denied, it remains to be seen whether any substantive results will follow from Modi’s gesture. We don’t know for example if Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will go back to Pakistan and expedite the Mumbai terror attack trial, or if President Mahinda Rajapaksa will fully implement the 13th amendment to Sri Lanka’s constitution. What we do know though, with some certainty, is that the presence of the Asian leaders was hugely effective in terms of image building, and that it added to Modi’s perceived stature. In the tableau played out at the forecourt of the majestic Rashtrapati Bhavan, arguably it was not just Modi but India itself that was positioned in a certain way in the eyes of the world — as the regional hegemon it aspires to be.
Marketing strategy
The surprise move of inviting regional leaders was planned at a meeting of former national security and foreign service officials close to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) just ten days before the event, according to ‘the Hindu.’ The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP’s ideological mentor, was not consulted, party sources were quoted as saying.
Modi’s diary of events between the announcement of the election results and the day of his swearing in again contributed to the image of a strong, efficient and inspiring leader who is mindful of where his loyalties lie. He visited his mother to seek her blessings, he performed Hindu religious rituals at the river Ganges in Varanasi, he paid floral tributes at RajGhat — a memorial to Mahatma Gandhi, and visited BJP veteran and former prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. The day after his swearing in, he held bilateral talks with each of the visiting South Asian leaders and later paid a courtesy call on outgoing prime minister Manmohan Singh. The visual impact of much of this activity would have resonated with domestic constituencies, while conveying a nuanced message to the rest of the world as well.
Modi’s marketing campaign started from the time he emerged as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate in September 2013, with a whole slew of advertising agencies working on its various aspects. In a case study of the strategy and tactics used, Shamni Pande writing in India’s ‘Business Today’ magazine says there were three main challenges Modi’s team faced in projecting him as the country’s next prime minister. One was that the former Gujarat Chief Minister was a ‘regional brand trying to go national.’ Secondly he was a 63-year old seeking to connect with youth, in an election that counted 150 million first time voters. And finally there was the stigma the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat that happened under his watch, where over 1000 died.
Biggest challenge
The third was the biggest challenge. Modi’s team handled it by toning down the Hindutva rhetoric and focusing instead on his development record in Gujarat. Modi was known outside the state long before he ‘went national’ we are told. And according to Pande, in the recent elections he attended more than 5,000 events and 470 political rallies across the length and breadth of the country. Other attributes that helped were his excellent oratorical skills and his business-friendly persona. Business leaders like Ratan Tata and the Ambani brothers praised Modi’s administration in Gujarat, and this helped him to ‘build his brand’ as a progressive leader who could deliver economic results, says Pande. The emphasis on Brand Modi also meant that the campaign looked more like one designed for a presidential rather than a parliamentary election.
Projecting Modi as a tech-savvy leader related to the need to reach out to youth and the urban middle class. Social media platforms like facebook and twitter were used extensively to get his message across. Shortly after he took his oath as prime minister his website carried a message where he said “I am a firm believer in the power of technology and social media to communicate with people across the world.” It was probably no accident that the pictures released soon after he assumed duties at his South Block office showed him browsing on an iPad.
The test now will be for Modi and his team to deliver on the promises of this extraordinary election campaign. While Modi himself may tread a judicious path, there are signs that his cabinet may not be as well versed as he is in the mantra of ‘good governance, development and inclusiveness.’ Some newly appointed ministers have already made a couple of bloomers with their remarks on sensitive subjects. Whatever the outcome, thanks to the spin doctors, Narendra Modi begins his tenure with the well positioned brand image of a dynamic leader of a new India.