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MR seeks talks with Modi, as TNA sets January 1 deadline
Both for the UPFA Government and some major Opposition parties, it appears to be transition time. What it portends with a presidential election round the corner remains a critical question. In the UPFA, some major issues relate to the foreign policy front. President Mahinda Rajapaksa has sought a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi when they attend the 69th sessions of the UN General Assembly in New York. Initial responses from New Delhi through diplomatic channels were that there were scheduling difficulties.
Modi is also to meet President Barack Obama on September 29 and 30. The Sri Lanka External Affairs Ministry has hence offered to re-schedule Rajapaksa’s itinerary in a bid to ascertain whether a meeting was still possible. EAM officials are hopeful an engagement would be possible. Rajapaksa is due to address the UNGA on September 25 and Modi on September 27. The keenness on the part of the UPFA Government stems from the meeting a six-member delegation from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) held with Modi in New Delhi.
President Rajapaksa in anticipation appears to have laid the groundwork for such a meeting with Modi. That is through an interview to the Chennai-based The Hindu newspaper. It was conducted out by Suhasni Haider, the daughter of Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP) politician Subramanian Swamy, who maintains close ties with Rajapaksa. He is not an Indian parliamentarian as erroneously reported earlier. Rajapaksa expressed willingness to discuss the 13th Amendment to the Constitution with the TNA. That would of course be without Police powers being devolved on Provincial Councils as listed in the Concurrent List to the 13th Amendment.
Rajapaksa has insisted in the past that talks should be with the Parliamentary Select Committee that has been tasked to formulate a package to “recommend and report on Political and Constitutional Measures to Empower the People of Sri Lanka to live as one nation.” However, he did not make clear in the interview whether there would be a departure from this requirement. He complained, “I am ready to talk to the TNA, but they refuse to talk to me. Without a dialogue how can I discuss devolution or anything else”.
Yet, his remarks make clear that despite the mandate to the PSC, provisions of the 13th Amendment could still remain. The TNA has declared that any such talks should have an international presence. Its leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan told the Sunday Times, “Though not at all a pre-condition, given the fact that we have had talks for such a long time, an international presence would be essential. This is the only way such talks can become successful.”
Thus, even if Rajapaksa succeeds in meeting Modi, efforts on the reconciliation front would become a tricky issue for him. There is little doubt Premier Modi will point out that the issues he raised with regard to the meeting in New Delhi on May 27, during talks after his swearing in, have still not been given effect. India’s insistence is based on the assertion that the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution is the result of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of 1987. During the TNA delegation’s talks with Premier Modi, the subject figured prominently. Details of the talks were revealed exclusively in the Sunday Times (Political Commentary) of August 31.
With the prospects of a UPFA Government-TNA direct dialogue unlikely, particularly ahead of a presidential election next year, other new developments could also cause a strain between the two sides. TNA’s main partner, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) held its four-day annual convention in Vavuniya from September 5. Its outgoing leader Sampanthan told delegates that the TNA was willing to talk directly with the UPFA Government on the national question. Such talks, with an international presence, should conclude within six months, he said. The agenda for such talks, he added, would have to be formulated ahead of the talks.
The UNP's Political Affairs Director Mangala Samaraweera addresses the news conference where he said that Sajith Premadasa should convert his words into action. Pic by Ishan Sanjeewa
Jaffna District parliamentarian Mavai Senathirajah was elected leader of the ITAK, the name by which the TNA is recognised by the Commissioner of Elections. Thus, Sampanthan has become the national leader of the TNA. Besides the ITAK, other partners in the alliance are the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), the People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). The convention adopted 15 resolutions.
Significant among them is the final one which said:
“If the Government continues with its present programme by suppressing our people, grabbing more land, destroying our people’s wealth, abusing our women and children and postponing the achieving of a political solution so that in due time there will not be any necessity for a political solution, and does not change before the end of this year, we will begin a non-violent struggle on the lines of Mahatma Gandhi from January next year. We appeal to all progressive formations in the country and the international community including India to come forward to support us in this struggle.”
Quite clearly, the TNA appears emboldened by its meeting with Premier Modi last month and its outcome. So much so, the TNA is putting the Government on notice that from January, it would launch a “non-violent struggle.” The timing, which influential sections in the UPFA believe would be when the presidential election is likely, is thus significant. An aggressive campaign may force security authorities to resort to counter measures triggering a confrontational situation. On the other hand, the question is whether the TNA leadership would resort to such action and court arrest. Whatever the reasons are, the fact that the TNA, which represents almost the entirety of the north in Parliament, is setting a deadline is in itself noteworthy.
Another resolution flows from the meeting that the TNA delegation had with Premier Modi. It invites “all Tamil, Muslim political parties, formations, forces and all progressive forces within Sri Lanka to join with us in our struggle on the basis that it is only through a new constitutional arrangement based on maximum possible devolution can the ethnic conflict be solved in the country. We also request India, the international community and the people of Sri Lanka not to permit the Government of Sri Lanka to continue to breach the provisions of the Indo-Lanka Accord, which is an international bilateral treaty between two sovereign states. We resolve that the Indo-Lanka Agreement be implemented in full.” Premier Modi had urged the TNA during talks in New Delhi to initiate a dialogue with other Tamil and Muslim political parties.
Another foreign policy factor emerged during the one-on-one talks between President Rajapaksa and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Abe was frank enough to tell Rajapaksa that it was quite difficult for Japan to support Sri Lanka on some of the issues it faced if the Sri Lankan Government did not engage the international community including the United Nations. The remarks appear to have spurred the Government into action. External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris has already sought a meeting with Prince Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, the new UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva told the Human Rights Council’s 27th sessions on Monday that he “reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s continued support to the High Commissioner; to the OHCHR; and to the work of HRC.” Nevertheless, he said Sri Lanka rejected the international investigation into alleged war crimes.
High Commissioner Hussein declared in his opening speech: “I attach great importance to the investigation on Sri Lanka mandated by this Council, on which OHCHR will report later in the session. I encourage the Sri Lankan authorities to cooperate with this process in the interests of justice and reconciliation. I am alarmed at threats currently being levelled against the human rights community in Sri Lanka, as well as prospective victims and witnesses. I also deplore recent incitement and violence against the country’s Muslim and Christian minorities.” As he declared, an oral report on the international investigation, mandated by the UNHRC after the third US-backed resolution, is due possibly on September 25.
The transition for the main opposition United National Party (UNP) appears even more significant. It was only the previous Saturday (September 6) that the party marked its 63rd anniversary with a meeting in Passara. Its national leader Ranil Wickremesinghe announced that he would give priority to Premadasa when appointing a deputy leader for the party. Premadasa reciprocated by declaring he would heed the call of the national leader to unite the party and democratically topple the ruling UPFA Government. He noted that it was a repetition of history. The late J.R. Jayewardene had similarly invited his late father Ranasinghe Premadasa to join hands to topple the then government.
Young Premadasa also gave an insight into his thinking with some remarks he made. When addressing those on the stage, he described one time Deputy Leader, Karu Jayasuriya as Manthri Thuma or MP. There was no reference to the fact that he was chairman of the Leadership Council, the body under Wickremesinghe tasked to run the party. During behind-the-scene talks that led to his elevation as UNP’s number two, Premadasa had sought the abolition of this council. He also declared that he was not a politician who had at any time crossed over to the Government ranks. Premadasa was alluding to Jayasuriya who crossed-over with 19 other UNP parliamentarians but returned to the party fold later. That he began firing within minutes of being virtually named “Deputy Leader designate” underscored not only the reservations he entertained but also his immediate targets.
The Sunday Times telephoned Premadasa to offer him the opportunity of commenting on this and other related developments. It continued to ring but there was no answer. He later responded to an SMS message sent to him. It said “@ political meetings in Hambantota.” It is not clear why he was addressing political meetings in this southern town on a Friday morning when the UNP polls campaign was under way in the Uva province.
The election of the deputy leader is set for September 23, just three days after the Uva Provincial Council elections. The party’s Working Committee, the main policy making body, has been summoned for this purpose. Wickremesinghe told the Sunday Times, “The Government has given us a challenge. I have accepted it. I will be proposing the name of Sajith Premadasa as the deputy leader at the Working Committee meeting. I will also be proposing the names of a few others to hold important positions and thus give a new look to the party. I have made these announcements at campaign rallies in Uva.”
The critical question is whether a new look will change the image of the party or avert the deepening of the crisis within. A news conference and the sequence of events that followed highlight a number of issues. Last Wednesday, the UNP’s Political Affairs director Mangala Samaraweera addressed a news conference at Siri Kotha, the party headquarters. Here are some edited excerpts of relevance:
“After the completion of the war we hoped that we could achieve the much awaited socio-economic progress. The victory achieved by the heroic armed forces has been projected as a victory of the Rajapaksa regime. Since the defeat of separatism, though the country could function as one nation the Rajapaksa regime has created two different worlds (classes). “One country-two classes” is the most suitable slogan for the time. The ‘first class’ which I refer to is enjoyed by less than 0.1 per cent who are close to the Rajapaksa regime…….
“The Government says there should be heavy traffic on the expressway. But I noticed about 10 vehicles an hour. I spoke to the owner of an eatery where I had my lunch with my security guard and driver. He was telling me that though there are expressways, the irrigation tanks have run dry. We have fallen back in our standards. Media freedom remains curtailed. Today more than 42 per cent of the population earn less than Rs. 275 a day. This is the other side of prosperity. Poverty is running high. Crime against children is increasing. When parents from the north come to Colombo to protest against disappearances, they are beaten up by criminals. Those who were ordinary Pradeshiya Sabha members today are among the richest.
“Our foreign service has become a joke. Today we have 62 diplomatic missions. This too is unnecessary. This also is being used to give jobs to those in the first class, particularly those who do not have qualifications and the henchmen of the Government. During the late Lakshman Kadirgamar’s time and my time, we maintained the proper ratio of 65:35. This is 65 per cent from the diplomatic service and only the rest were political appointments. Even the political appointees were those who had some special talent…….
“The Hambantota Port was opened in October 2010. But it took 34 months for 100 ships to arrive at this port. That too, some of the ships were compelled to call over at the Hambantota Port. These ships were carrying cars and could have unloaded them at the Colombo Port. Now they pay more to transport the vehicles back to Colombo…….
“Under the leadership of our national leader we should unite to defeat the opposing forces. We should be careful of those who pretend to be friends, but are actually enemies. When the party leader is making sacrifices to unite the party and fighting bravely to bring a better era for the UNP’ers who suffered during the past 20 years, some media organisations cannot bear it. They have got scared and are worried. They are trying to scuttle this journey.
“When it comes close to an election they criticise the party leader. They use different people, some with robes. I wish to tell these media organisations that they are working according to the Government’s agenda, may be ‘Maha Rajawaru’s or ‘Kuda Rajawaru,’ that our leader will not bow down to them. Whatever forces come we will do everything to make Ranil Wickremesinghe the next President of the country.”
A Q and A followed. Excerpts:
“Q: Did you oppose the proposed appointment of Sajith Premadasa as the deputy leader.
A: I always battled not persons, but principles. In 2007 when I was told to re-join the Government I rejected it on principle. When I was the Foreign Minister I took certain decisions based on principles. I have no hatred against Mahinda Rajapaksa. Even if I meet him today I can speak to him as a brother. But I cannot accept his principles.
Therefore regarding Sajith Premadasa too I have no problems with him, but take decisions based on principles.
Q: He (Sajith) has said he would dedicate himself for the victory of Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Presidential candidate. Your comments?
A: We welcome that statement. But I hope that is turned into action in the future.
Q: Inaudible
A: Since 1995 this media organisation has been criticising me. That’s not new. I do not care about them. I can bear if I am attacked. I do not go to complain. If at all it is Ranil Wickremesinghe who has been attacked the most, I get the second place. But if media organisations block our journey, I will speak on that.
Q: Ranil Wickremesinghe has made a statement regarding Mr Premadasa being appointed as the deputy leader, but this media organisation continues to attack.
A: Our leader has honestly taken a decision on this on behalf of the party. We should honour that. It is questionable to launch another attack when such a decision has been taken. The people should understand this. Whom do they represent? Whose contracts are they doing? This organisation during the past few years has been attacking the leader at crucial times. This is to dishearten the voters. The Uva voters should decide. If the people vote, whatever the media tells won’t be an issue.”
No sooner the reports of Samaraweera’s remarks at the news conference became public on Thursday, hell broke loose in UNP circles. General Secretary Tissa Attanayake was incensed. He told confidants that Samaraweera had unnecessarily hurt the feelings of the two persons who were helping bring unity within the party. Attanayake, a staunch promoter of Premadasa’s entry as deputy leader, said this should never have been done and added that he had raised objections with his leader Wickremesinghe.
Premadasa hit back the same day with a strongly worded statement. Here are edited excerpts of the statement issued in Sinhala:
“A person like Mangala Samaraweera who destroyed the UNP, and who is not aware of the party’s proud history, who does not understand the thinking and aspirations of the majority of party members, is now throwing down challenges at me. I am not prepared to accept his so-called challenges.
Matara District MP Mangala Samaraweera has stated at a media conference held at party headquarters Siri Kotha, ‘Now it is time for Sajith Premadasa to prove his mettle.’ This appears to be a statement made by someone who has not understood the party’s principles, nor assessed the Premadasas or even correctly assessed himself. It is merely a statement made by a hatemonger.
“At the time my father sacrificed his life for the party, Mangala Samaraweera was one of the main actors who attempted to ridicule my father by character assassination and, not stopping at that, he was at the forefront of destroying the UNP and also the UNP government which was in power at that time.
In 1999, when UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe contested the presidential election, Mangala Samaraweera destroyed his image by caricaturing him as “Mister Bean” and putting up posters all over the country to mislead gullible voters. Not content with that he called a news conference and proclaimed through the media, “Ranil is incompetent”. He also lured many UNP MPs over to the government side. It is a trick of fate that this same Mangala Samaraweera is now passing off as the saviour of the UNP.
“I showed my capabilities by winning the Hambantota District in 2000 and 2001. Mangala Samaraweera obtained UNP membership in 2010 only to include his name in a recognised party candidates’ list in order to contest the general elections — not because he had any love for the UNP. He entered the party as a refugee and came second in the Matara District. During the last provincial council elections in March he could not increase the UNP vote percentage in the Matara District. Therefore I am not ready to accept these challenges thrown down by a person like Mangala Samaraweera, who destroyed our party, is not aware of the prestige of the party, has failed to recognise the thinking and aspirations of the common people and who refuses to accept new trends in the party. In contrast, I am always willing to consider the views of anyone who genuinely loves the party and who dedicates himself towards its success.”
UNP national leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had finished campaigning in Uva on Thursday night, had dinner at Nuwara Eliya and arrived in Colombo only in the early hours of Friday. The news of new developments caused serious concern for him. Samaraweera was readying to respond to Premadasa with a strongly worded statement but had been persuaded not to do so in view of the September 20 Uva Provincial Council elections.
Nevertheless, he issued a brief statement with plans to issue a detailed one after the polls ended. Excerpts: “………Mr. Sajith Premadasa has issued as usual a vitriolic statement attacking me for ‘challenging’ him. This could not be further from the truth: I merely echoed the view of thousands of UNP activists when I said that his words of total support for our leader in the lead up to the next Presidential election should be matched by his deeds in the weeks ahead.
“Hence, it is by no means a challenge that emanates from me. It is a challenge for Mr. Premadasa, to prove his genuine loyalty and sincere commitment to upholding party unity and discipline; that is the expectation of every member of the United National Party…….
“…… That Mr. Premadasa has chosen to devote all his venom at me at a time when he should focus on the misdeeds of the UPFA government is indeed sad. We in the UNP are not at war with each other after all. Our battle should be, must be with the Government….”
If indeed Samaraweera is denying he did not challenge Premadasa, why then did Premadasa issue such a statement? Was he taking offence at any references to him or was he, like UNP Secretary Attanayake says, espousing the cause of others who have been hurt by Samaraweera’s comments at the media conference he had? Whatever the reasons are, one thing appears clear. The problems within the UNP appear to weigh more heavily than that of the UPFA Government. That is even before the party has picked a deputy leader. Even if the UPFA is dogged by a multitude of issues on many fronts including the conduct of foreign policy, its poor human rights record, breakdown in law and order, the virulent campaign against NGOs, spiralling cost of living, rampant bribery and corruption among others, what counts at the end is the outcome of the polls.
As one UPFA MP said during a TV debate; “while we are building roads, and looking into the needs of the poor, the UNP is fighting over who should be the leader, or deputy leader and who should sit in what chair”. The hiccups for the UNP become worse ahead of every election, be it local or national. The results are a walkover to the ruling party and total disillusionment to those who want to see checks and balances in governance.