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JHU’s Rathana Thera issues ultimatum to Rajapaksa, demands major constitutional amendments before elections
Prelate says many senior ministers extending their support to him, while opposition to MR’s policies grows
UNP tries to put its act together but Premadasa dispute simmers amid growing possibility of continuing disunity

It is less than a handful who could muster such a political event with the hierarchy of the Government and the main Opposition in attendance.

If that was a feat last Tuesday, the blunt message delivered by the convener was unsurpassed. A touch of irony was that it came from a United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) partner, a live wire that espoused the cause of the majority Sinhala-Buddhist people in the ruling coalition.
Venerable Athureliye Rathana Thera, founder of Pivithuru Hetak (A Pure Tomorrow) issued an ultimatum to President Mahinda Rajapaksa that the upcoming presidential election should not be held without amendments to the Constitution first. Charging that the conduct of such election had neither been discussed with partners in the UPFA nor the Cabinet of Ministers, he demanded that, “polls should be according to the laws of the country and not according to an individual’s astrological charts.” He warned that “We will do everything possible, Sathyagrahas and protests included.”

Adding weight to Ven. Rathana Thera’s ultimatum is that he is a key player in the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and one of its MPs. His party is fully behind him. The JHU, whose annual convention takes place today, is set to endorse the new movement’s plan of action. Thus it will become part of the JHU’s own efforts too. Immediately thereafter a party delegation is set to meet President Rajapaksa next week to discuss the demands.

This week’s events, however, make clear Rajapaksa has already set in motion the machinery rolling for a presidential poll in early January. Thus, he seems in no mood for immediate constitutional changes or to heed other demands. Just the day after Ven. Rathana Thera’s declaration, Rajapaksa on Wednesday chaired a meeting of UPFA partner leaders. There, UPFA General Secretary and Minister Susil Premajayantha declared that plans were afoot to conduct a presidential poll in early January. However, he did not mention dates. Though most party leaders were present, the JHU was represented only by Western Province Minister Udaya Gammanpila. Socialist party leaders, it transpired, were averse to an early poll and said they feared the outcome might not be favourable.

With the official word out in the UPFA that poll is now a certainty, a number of important political developments may follow in the coming weeks. Main among them is the future of the JHU in the ruling party. With the increasing prospects of its demands not being met, will it quit the UPFA? That would surely mean the JHU would not support President Rajapaksa’s candidature. Another is the strong likelihood of the January 13-15 visit of Pope Francis being called off. Despite this very strong prospect of a cancellation, officially the trip is on schedule. A possible cancellation is on the basis that the revered prelate does not visit countries where elections are concluded without the lapse of a month. Political cross overs are yet another issue.

The JHU factor assumes greater significance. Tuesday’s gathering at the BMICH had representation from both the Government and the Opposition. Ministers present were Basil Rajapaksa, D.E.W. Gunasekera, Tissa Vitharana, Champika Ranawaka, and Rajitha Senaratne. Besides the UNP national leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, others included Karu Jayasuriya, Ravi Karunanayake and R. Yogarajan. Sunil Handunetti represented the JVP. Hence, representatives of political parties of all hues witnessed the issue of the Pivituru Hetak-Jathika Hela Urumaya ultimatum.

Ven. Rathana Thera charged: “This is a Government that functions with one person, one family and a few influential officials.” Noting that “future generations will curse us if we do not point out wrong doings,” he said his movement had spoken to all political parties. The Ven. Thera said the movement’s demands were based on Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) policies. There was no difficulty in passing the constitutional amendments since all parties would lend their support, he added.

 

 

The Sunday Times asked Ven. Rathana Thera why the movement would oppose Rajapaksa at the presidential poll if its demands are not met. His reply: “The Government has two more years to conduct a presidential election. Constitutionally, the President has the right to call for an election after four years in office. However, now questions have arisen over his decision. On the basis of the 18th Amendment, it was not proper. With two more years left, it is easy for him to get the amendments we propose approved. The President in 2005 had promised to abolish the Executive Presidency. He had promised the same in 2010. Failing to keep to these promises and going for a third term raise the issue of morality.”

Ven. Rathana Thera revealed that some Government ministers called him after his speech last Tuesday. “My stance is very clear. The constitutional amendments should be passed before the presidential election.” Some of the questions answered by him provide an insight into the thinking of Pivithuru Hetak and the JHU.
Q: You have been citing instances of abuse. Can you explain?

A: For instance, the President is also the Finance Minister. The entire Treasury is controlled by him. All major projects like roads, ports and airports too. This can give rise to corruption. At the same time mistakes can take place. There are no checks and balances. Even earlier, executive presidential powers were misused, but now it is very evident.

Q: Why weren’t these issues pointed out earlier?
A: It was because these shortcomings were pointed out that the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’ was written. We are the ones who made certain proposals.
Q: Do you have the blessings of your party?

A: Yes. The party convention is coming up on the 19th (today) and the members will endorse our plans.
Q: What are the proposals regarding curbing mounting corruption and bribery?
A: The institutions investigating these issues have been paralysed. The appointments are made by the President. There were shortcomings in the 17th Amendment. Persons with political connections are being appointed. We are proposing a Constitutional Council. There is a wide belief that there is corruption. But it cannot be investigated properly, until the present persons remain in power. Currently all these institutions come under the President. This is because of the existing Constitution.

Q: In the event the Government does not accept these proposals, do you plan to carry out a political campaign on the changes you seek?
A: Yes, currently we have launched a political campaign. We will have to politically defeat him, if the changes are not done. We are thinking of speaking to some of the SLFP members. We could clearly say that we cannot support the re-election of the President without a Constitutional change.
Q: Is there any response from any ministers as you have declared before?

A: Not just few of them. There have been responses from several of them. If the presidential election is called, without these amendments we can see how many of them will support us.

Q: Is there a time frame?
A: Yes, first it was a conceptual paper. Now we have proposed the Constitutional changes. Former Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva has helped to draft them. This is what has to be discussed now. We will complete the discussions in a week or so.

Q: In the event the President disagrees, will you work with one political group to achieve this or will you form a different political front?
A: We have not decided on that yet. Currently what we are doing is to bring pressure to pass these Constitutional amendments. We are not thinking as to who would be the common candidate or about the Presidential election. We are concentrating on passing these amendments. We will do everything possible. If we fail, we will move to the next step.

JHU Minister Champika Ranawaka told the Sunday Times the party convention today would endorse a number of proposals. They include a reduction in the number of cabinet ministers to between 25 and 30, appointments of secretaries to ministries from professional government bodies, introduction of a Right to Information Act, the setting up of Elections and Judicial Services Commissions based on an “apolitical” agenda.

Further proof that no constitutional amendments will be made ahead of presidential election emerged on Friday. This was when a delegation from the National Freedom Front (NFF), another UPFA partner, had a luncheon meeting with Rajapaksa at ‘Temple Trees’ on Friday. It was led by Wimal Weerawansa. Associated with Rajapaksa was Minister Susil Premjayantha.

Rajapaksa was to tell the NFF delegation that the decision to hold the presidential election in January was made after a process of consultation. He said he had sounded out members of the Cabinet and MPs. To the latter, a written questionnaire had been given. They were asked about their preferences over the conduct of presidential or parliamentary polls and related matters. In fact, such a questionnaire was delivered to all UPFA parliamentarians when they met at a resort hotel in the south for a two day event. Hence, it was incorrect to say that the decision was unilateral. He said a formal announcement of the poll was first made to UPFA partners at a meeting last Wednesday. He was now taking turns, meeting individual partners to convey the same message and seek their views.

Minister Wimal Weerawansa told the Sunday Times, “We told the President that our party believed the mandate he won in 2005 was for peace. Similarly in 2010, he won a mandate to meet development challenges. We emphasised that there was a need to make constitutional and administrative changes. We said when he (Rajapaksa) wins; he would lead a parliament which holds two thirds UPFA majority with a further life span of two years remaining. We told him this should be put to productive use since he would have the power. He thanked us for sharing our thinking and assured that our representations will be considered.” Weerawansa led a five member NFF delegation.

Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), another UPFA partner, is due to meet Rajapaksa. General Secretary Hassan Ali told the Sunday Times, “The SLMC has still not taken any decision on supporting the Government or a common candidate. Our decision will be taken after the Government announces the election. At the party Central Committee meeting scheduled to be held on October 30 it is likely that this issue will be taken up.” Particularly after the rout at the Uva Provincial Council elections, it will not be an easy task for the SLMC. Its dilemma is whether backing Rajapaksa at the presidential poll will place it at a disadvantage at the parliamentary elections thereafter. The SLMC contested Uva under the Democratic Unity Alliance (DUA) together with Minister Rishad Bathiuddin’s All Ceylon People’s Congress (ACPC). Also set to meet Rajapaksa separately are the left political parties in the UPFA. The Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) led by Minister Arumugam Thondaman will support Rajapaksa, the party’s media unit has announced.

The poll fever at last has extended to the main Opposition. The United National Party is also making a strong effort to go into election mode. One of the moves the party initiated this week is a shift in posture. It now wants it known that it has still not formally named a presidential candidate and a decision is pending. This is in marked contrast to the discussion at the so-called G-20 meeting in the Parliament complex on October 10. Except for Daya Gamage, a financier of the UNP and its national organiser, all others in this group are MPs. The group has been named by leader Wickremesinghe to deal with matters related to the presidential election. This is including all media activity.

At that meeting Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa moved that the party should immediately announce that Wickremesinghe should be the party’s presidential candidate. The proposal was strongly endorsed by General Secretary Tissa Attanayake and Rosie Senanayake MP. However, as revealed in these columns last week, Wickremesinghe was not in favour of the move. He said such an announcement should only be made after the official proclamation was made. This assertion left little doubt that eventually Wickremesinghe would be the UNP’s presidential candidate.

Why then is a change in posture? One knowledgeable source revealed that the move would give the party sufficient time to conduct talks with other political parties, groups and individuals. Another reason, the source added, was that it would also give time for the party to canvass support for the seven-point common minimum programme it had just formulated. The seven points are: (1) Abolition of the executive presidency and return to Parliamentary democracy; (2) Change in the electoral system; (3) restoration of Independent Commissions; (4) Strengthening the Provincial Councils; (5) Immediate measures to end corruption and nepotism; (6) Social infrastructure development, restoration of the rule of law and improvement of education and (7) Immediate measures to lower the mounting cost of living.

It is on this document that the UNP is seeking accord with those outside the party. Added another UNP source, “Since a formal decision on a candidate is still pending, the party is better placed to canvass the seven-point common minimum programme and discuss who a widely acceptable candidate is.” However, this claim could not be verified since Wickremesinghe’s candidature, though not formally announced, is still a certainty. The UNP has continued to insist that a candidate at the presidential election should be from the party.

On Thursday, Wickremesinghe held a one-on-one meeting at the Sri Naga Vihare in Kotte with Venerable Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera to obtain his support and to spread the message of these seven points countrywide. Wickremesinghe wants to hold at least one meeting in each district chaired by Ven. Sobhitha Thera. The chief incumbent of Naga Vihare has said he would respond to Wickremesinghe today. Outlines of these seven points were also explained to Tamil National Alliance (TNA) National List parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran when he met Wickremesinghe at the Opposition Leader’s Office at Cambridge Terrace. Associated with the UNP leader were Mangala Samaraweera and Malik Samarawickrema, a former UNP Chairman. TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan was indisposed and did not take part.

Sampanthan told the Sunday Times, “As far as the TNA is concerned, though we are addressing our minds, presidential polls have not been officially announced. Once this happens, we will have extensive consultations within the alliance. We will also talk with other parties and take a decision.” However, a TNA source who did not wish to be identified said, “We are not in favor of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s candidature. We do not wish to create conditions for a victory for him. On the other hand, we have to decide whether the opposing candidate is acceptable to us.” He said, if the alliance had no options, the party may even recommend a conscience vote to its members and supporters. In other words, this is to allow them to vote for a candidate of their choice. This was done at the 1982 presidential election when late J.R. Jayewardene was contested by Hector Kobbekaduwa.

It is on this seven-point document that the UNP is seeking accord for support from those outside the party. Thus, when the proclamation for the presidential election is issued, the programme and those who have agreed to extend support will be known. “It is then that we will make a public announcement about our party’s candidate,” said a source familiar with the ongoing consultations.

Last week’s reference in these columns on the UNP leader taking over the party’s media apparatus drew a response from Wickremesinghe. He told the Sunday Times that Matara District MP Mangala Samaraweera had not ceased to function as UNP’s Director of Communications. Hence, he said, Samaraweera would serve both in the Working Committee as well as the Leadership Council. In other words, Wickremesinghe who had taken over the subject of media from Samaraweera, would only oversee all activity during the upcoming presidential election.

Not only Samaraweera, who was told of the takeover of media operations by Wickremesinghe, but also other senior colleagues had believed he would cease as Director Communications. Consequently he would have ceased to be a member of the Working Committee or the Leadership Council since both offices were held ex officio. Until the takeover, it was the Director who was in charge of the party’s communications strategies. Wickremesinghe’s remarks mean Samaraweera will not spearhead the media campaign during the presidential election, an important period in that office, but only retain the title and deal with secondary issues if any. Further confirmation of the takeover of media communications came in a news release by Madushanka Abeygunawardena, Media Secretary on behalf of General Secretary Attanayake. It said, “Mr Wickremesinghe has taken over the media campaign for the elections.”

In fact the matter figured prominently when a UNP Leadership Council delegation led by its Chairman Karu Jayasuriya met Wickremesinghe for a two-and-a-half-hour discussion. It took place at 5 p.m. at the Opposition Leader’s Office last Tuesday. Conspicuous by his absence at this meeting was Mangala Samaraweera. Others present were Kabir Hashim, Ravi Karunanayake, Lakshman Kiriella, Wijayadasa Rajapaksha and Malik Samarawickrema. The latter is not a member of the Council.

The meeting, at the request of the Council, began with Chairman Jayasuriya saying that they did not want the party to go astray. Pointing out that there would have been shortcomings, he said, it was time prompt action was taken to rectify matters. He said no one in the Council was seeking the ouster of Wickremesinghe or the foisting of Sajith Premadasa. He said that members in the Council were a group of people who stood by the leader. However, a kapuva (broker) was engaged in character assassination. Without naming him, he said, the same person was seeking to abolish the Leadership Council. He said they wanted to speak the truth. The Media Unit has been taken over from Samaraweera, who is hunted by the Government, he said. Wickremesinghe was to interrupt to say that he had spoken to the Sunday Times to tell them that the Matara District MP would continue as Director of Communications.

Wickremesinghe noted that the Leadership Council was established at the last annual sessions of the party. Its validity comes up for renewal at the annual sessions later this year. Now, there is also the 20 member Committee (G-20). Everyone should get involved to make its work successful, he said. Ravi Karunanayake said the party should talk to all others in the Opposition. He said contesting the presidential election was not the most important thing but winning it. He noted that equally important would be the parliamentary elections. Wijayadasa Rajapaksha was strongly critical of General Secretary Attanayake.

e said Attanayake was not fit to hold that position because he was negotiating with persons who were outsiders and not members of the party. He was making remarks that did not represent the views of the party. One such instance was his comments to the media that the UNP was okay with Mahinda Rajapaksa contesting the presidential election for the third time. Wickremesinghe was to concur that it was wrong of Attanayaake to have spoken to the media on that matter. Of course that has not deterred Attanayake from issuing statements. Here is his latest one released by his Media Secretary:

“President Mahinda Rajapaksa needs 50.1 per cent to win the Presidential election. On an average 11 million persons vote at a Presidential election. This means that the winner needs 5.5 million of the vote. Fortunately or unfortunately Mahinda has to obtain this 5.5 million votes from the Sinhala-Buddhists. It is known that the Sinhala-Buddhist voter population is 74 per cent.

“Accordingly this amounts to 8.5 million votes. If we assume there are 8 million Sinhala votes, Mahinda will have to obtain 5.5 million votes of the 8 million. This would mean of every 100 votes he will have to obtain 68 votes. However it has now been established that it was not possible to obtain that vote. That is the reason the Bodu Bala Sena is being used.

“The UNP last contested on its own in 2005. Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe obtained 4.7 million votes at this election. Therefore the UNP has a vote base of 4 million. Mr Wickremesinghe as Mahinda Rajapaksa’s opponent will be able to obtain the minority vote without difficulty. About 26 per cent are minority votes. That amounts to about three million votes. Therefore Mr. Wickremesinghe needs only about 1.5 million of the three million minority votes. That would be an easy task.

Therefore obtaining the required 5.5 million votes would be an easy task. Accordingly President Mahinda Rajapaksa will not be able to be the President for the third time. ”Friends, like the rise of the sun from the East, the victory of the UNP at the Presidential election is clear.”

Even before the proclamation for the presidential election is issued, Attanayake has firstly declared Wickremesinghe’s candidature. He has then declared victory for the UNP presidential candidate. Yet, the man who is making sweeping statements, contrary to his own claims, has not yet been able to get his ally Sajith Premadasa, now Deputy Leader, to take part in UNP activities. On Friday, when the “G-20″ met at Siri Kotha with Wickremesinghe in the chair, Premadasa was a notable absentee. He had informed others that he was taking part in the opening of a Montessori school. Also absent were Ranjith Madduma Bandara,

halatha Athukorale and Rosie Senanayake, all supporters of Premadasa. Loyalists of Premadasa claim that Wickremesinghe has not fulfilled the assurances given to Premadasa. Wickremesinghe allies have challenged the claim saying the UNP leader had not given any such promises except to propose him (Sajith Premadasa) as the Deputy Leader. Who then gave the assurances on behalf of Wickremesinghe? The situation raises an all important question — in the light of this tussle, will Premadasa fully back Wickremesinghe as UNP’s presidential candidate? Among his demands are the dissolution of the Leadership Council and the appointment of his nominees to the Working Committee. The list also included a change of hands of the party’s media operations.

The UNP has summoned all its polling booth agents to Colombo on October 28 for a briefing. This is whilst Uva Provincial Council opposition leader, Harin Fernando has been now named as the Deputy National Organiser. He earlier refused to accept the leadership of the party’s youth organisation.
The other major Opposition party, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), is awaiting the proclamation on elections for a final decision on its course of action. However, JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake told the Sunday Times, “We are of the view that President Rajapaksa cannot contest a third time since that would be illegal. We have already launched a countrywide campaign to educate the public on this matter.”

As for President Rajapaksa, he is not only stepping up his campaign ahead of a proclamation, but is gearing his party machinery in a big way. His main contender, Wickremesinghe, notwithstanding the soothsaying by UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake that a Wickremesinghe victory, like the Sun’s rise from the East, is an absolute certainty, has a long, long way to go. One is not wrong in saying that bickering within the UNP has given Rajapaksa a head start in the Presidential race. So the most critical question that remains is whether it would be a united UNP that would face the presidential poll or a divided one.

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