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As the crisis in the SLFP deepens, the capitulation of its membership to the UNP-led Government continues. Frontliners included, the once-vociferous critics of the Government have adjusted their positions on issues, and no less than 25 SLFP MPs have accepted portfolios as ministers, state ministers and deputies. The SLFP has become a stakeholder in a peculiar animal called a ‘National Government,’ whilst continuing to lay claim to the role of the Opposition and the post of ‘Opposition Leader.’ This is a situation that defies description.

In 69 days since the Cabinet was formed (Jan 12) the number of ministers has increased by 69% — from 46 to 78 (including President Maithripala Sirisena). Ten of the new ministerial appointees belong to the second wave of crossovers that took place days after Sirisena’s victory in the presidential election, when some 21 MPs pledged their support to Sirisena. Thirteen appointees are SLFP MPs who remained non-commital (in the media) about their loyalties, post-election. One new appointee is a UNPer (Lakshman Seneviratne). Two others — former ministers C B Ratnayake and Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, were among SLFP MPs who even attended the Nugegoda rally in support of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s comeback. They appear to have made a 180-degrees turnaround.

Is this ‘Yahapalanaya?’
These developments have doubtless come about through a process of enticement by the ‘troika’ that calls the shots in Government (in which only one member happens to be elected). What was the necessity for them to take this unprecedented step, when the SLFP had already pledged its support to the 100-day program? The 19th Amendment provides for the number of ministers to be increased to 45 (in the cabinet) and 55 (outside the cabinet, and deputies) respectively, in a ‘Government of national unity.’ As if that was not bad enough, now it seems that the UNP does not want to take any chances and so it is giving away the goodies in advance — just to make sure.

Against a background of uncertainty over its future, the SLFP is further weakened by this newly created divide. If, in a two-party democracy as in Sri Lanka, the Opposition has a vital role to play in challenging the ruling party and holding it accountable, then how helpful are these moves in bringing about ‘good governance?’ Is this what ‘Yahapalanaya’ is about?

‘Opposition’ leader Nimal Siripala de Silva’s attempt to vindicate the action of the 25 SLFP MPs saying it was no different from the crossover by 17 UNP MPs ahead of the 18th Amendment in 2010, is disingenuous. The UNP MPs who crossed then did not pretend that they were the ‘Opposition.’

Critical change
The text of the gazetted Bill on the 19A was not the same as in UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s draft proposals circulated earlier, and the Bill he presented to Parliament on Tuesday was not the same as the gazetted version. SLFP General Secretary Anura Priyadarshana Yapa in a bid to redeem the party’s self-respect argues that the SLFP prevented the labelling of the Bill as ‘Urgent,’ enabling its critics to challenge it in the Supreme Court. But he says nothing about the Government’s sudden move that changed the language of Article 30 of the Constitution in which the president is described as ‘Head of Government.’ If, as JHU MP and Energy Minister Champika Ranawaka has reportedly said, the language reverts to that of Wickremesinghe’s draft, it means the President has to always act on the advice of the Prime Minister. Why was this critical change sneaked in at the last minute — after the Bill had been gazetted?

Let’s assume that the 19th Amendment that the Wickremesinghe wants is a good one, and that it will help bring about a better system of governance. The problem is that we have no way of knowing, because the manner in which it is being introduced is so devious. When reforms with far-reaching consequences are being shaped, why is the Government so wary of public discussion? And where is the transparency in all of this? The Right to Information is in fact part of the 19A. Is there something about the 19A the government would rather people did not get wise to?

A trade-in
With an ‘Opposition’ that is part of the Government, what are the chances that details of the final version of the Bill will made known before it becomes law? The ‘Opposition’ will not want make trouble for the Government, now that they are all part of one happy family.

The SLFP appears to have now given up its position that the constitutional reforms and the electoral reforms should take place ‘as a single exercise.’ It now seems ready to go ahead with the constitutional amendments ASAP, as the UNP wishes, and wait a couple of months for the electoral reforms to be put in place before an election is held under the new system. The UNP, which was earlier pushing hard to have parliament dissolved on April 23 and elections immediately thereafter, seems to have traded in this demand for the SLFP’s cooperation on the swift passage of the 19A.

A few exceptions
While the SLFP’s crossover saga reflects poorly on the integrity of its MPs — the ‘backbone’ factor — there are a few exceptions where principles seem to have prevailed over political expediency. Former Transport Minister Kumar Welgama opposed a ‘national government’ from the outset and was the only dissenting MP at last month’s SLFP convention where it was discussed. He told media the SLFP is a Left party and teaming up with the UNP was contrary to the expectations of voters. Former Labour Minister Gamini Lokuge announced his resignation from the Cabinet the very day after the election results. He said he was appointed a minister by Mahinda Rajapaksa and would continue to support him, working as an Opposition MP.

The recent moves by the Government to secure the support it lacks in parliament through enticements, and the Opposition’s eager acceptance of these blandishments, reflect poorly on both sides. The Government that came into power on a mandate to fight corruption and create good governance is fast losing the moral high ground.