Prime Minister Narendra Modi came, charmed, and left behind conflicting views on the merits of “soft diplomacy” and speculation of “hard” positions on the 13 Amendment which some analysts have unfortunately suggested could stir up fresh controversy. What is important to note is the quick follow-up on major issues of interest to India, like the [...]

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India-Lanka relations after the Modi visit

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By Sarala Fernando

Prime Minister Narendra Modi came, charmed, and left behind conflicting views on the merits of “soft diplomacy” and speculation of “hard” positions on the 13 Amendment which some analysts have unfortunately suggested could stir up fresh controversy.

What is important to note is the quick follow-up on major issues of interest to India, like the CEPA (Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement) talks which once again have come on the front burner in Colombo and this week’s talks between fishermen’s associations in Chennai. It is clear that whatever the political buzz, economic issues are the first priority. This is to be expected. In the current phase of bilateral relations beginning from the 1990s when India began its liberalisation, bilateral relations have taken an economic grounding, moving away from the political interventions of the “decade of confrontation” in the 1980s.

A new beginning: Narendra Modi in Sri Lanka

Prime Minister Modi’s visit also went some way to correcting an impression that has long aroused suspicions of Indian motives vis-à-vis Sri Lanka — India was concerned only with one community. This was a natural outcome, considering that the early major bilateral issue between Sri Lanka and India had to do with Tamil Nadu: The Indo-Ceylon question which dominated bilateral negotiations over forty years, the maritime boundary and Kachchitivu…

Thus it was that in the early years, the Indian government represented the interests of the Indian Tamil indentured labour brought into the island in the hundreds of thousands by the colonial masters. In the 1980s, due to domestic and international political factors, a new period of direct intervention began, with India extending its mandate to speak for all the Tamils in the island. Prime Minister Modi, by his visit to the Mahabodhi Society in Colombo and to the Buddhist shrines in Anuradhapura, has restored the balance in the relations , acknowledging the interests of the majority people in this country. In other words, India’s role in the island’s history bears a significance for all its population and in the totality of the modern bilateral relations, India’s perspective will encompass all the communities, including the Tamils. These gestures, if properly understood, will have a positive impact in terms of public goodwill for India.

Goodwill is indeed important if one takes into account the inevitable comparison with the previous Indian Prime Minister (Rajiv Gandhi’s) visit to Sri Lanka, 27 years ago, to sign an agreement, negotiated in secret and pushed through Parliament amidst seething opposition. As a result, bilateral relations sank to its lowest level of confidence and now many years later the Modi visit has the opportunity to raise these relations to a new high. As expected, the visit was thus high in symbolism, with constant reference to the continuum of civilisational and historic linkages. The tenor of the Indian Prime Minister’s address to Sri Lanka’s Parliament was almost poetic in describing the “special friendship” with Sri Lanka across the full gamut of political, social and cultural contacts. The central theme of “common destiny”, however, was carefully couched and linked to references such as “independent nations, sovereign and equal” and “the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka are paramount” reflecting an underlying theme of non-intervention in internal affairs and goodwill towards a smaller neighbour , “we will always be there for you”.

The substance of the visit, however, which this article argues was mainly economic, found expression in the media conference which gave details of the signature of several joint agreements to facilitate trade (including customs cooperation for NTB relief), extended investment by IOC to develop the Trincomalee oil tank farm, increase in development assistance for the railways of over $300 million, bringing the total commitments to around US$ 2 billion.

People-to-people contacts were also highlighted by the grant of Indian visas on arrival for Sri Lankan nationals. This is of interest to the Sri Lanka side given that only a handful of countries had earlier been exempted from the new scheme. Other proposals, including youth exchanges, organising of cultural exhibitions and setting up of centres of excellence, will yield a rich dividend of friendship and goodwill among influential segments of our people.

Since the first announcement of the Modi visit, the choice of the countries included in that tour had led inevitably to discussions of India’s strategic interests in the Indian Ocean area both in terms of security and the “blue economy”. An important segment of the address to Sri Lanka’s Parliament was, as expected, devoted to outlining these ideas, calling for expanded cooperation both bilaterally and regionally, with the Maldives and other countries in the region. Given India’s preponderance in size and resources, its strategic objectives in the neighbourhood and in the Indian Ocean may not have changed, but in the speech to Sri Lanka’s parliament, these thoughts are outlined in a more sympathetic mode and the offer of a “level of transparency” in bilateral matters will be welcomed. Gone is the Cold War language of power politics, here, the doctrine of India’s regional ambition in the region is offered in terms of “shared responsibility” and a vision of “partnerships” in economic prosperity, encompassing trade and commerce, science and technology. There is the insistence that “neighbours will have the first claim on India”, while in such matters “we will be guided by your Government”.

Sri Lankan analysts had looked forward to Mr. Modi’s remarks on the national question, given the recalibration of Centre-State relations in India with the elected Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Jayalalitha Jayaram facing court charges and as it were, disabled from political action. However, Mr. Modi’s remarks in Parliament were restricted to Indian’s traditional positions in support of the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka and as for the 13th Amendment, his explanations of enthusiasm for “cooperative federalism” were qualified by reference to his personal experience as a leader of a successful state for many years.

What was important for the Sri Lanka Government were the words of praise for the actions taken on reconciliation issues. In his private talks with the TNA, the Indian Prime Minister is said to have asked the Tamil political leaders to work with the Government towards a political settlement, seemingly putting aside, at least on this occasion, the effusive approaches of the Northern Chief Minister for India to act as a “guarantor” and for Mr. Modi’s personal intervention.

The calendar of events undertaken by the Indian Prime Minister in the brief two-day official visit nevertheless reached out to all the influential lobbies in Sri Lanka, the business leaders, the politicians and religious leaders as well as broad people-to-people contacts.

The new pier at Talaimannar, which Prime Minister Modi inaugurated, underpins the theme of historic connectivity recalling the era when hundreds of thousands of indentured labour crossed over to the island, with Ceylon immigration and health officers being stationed at the Mandapam camp to facilitate this journey. With the re-opening of the rail link, it will be possible to facilitate the return of the Sri Lankan refugees who left the island following the riots of the 1980s and remain in camps in Tamil Nadu.

The talks, which should be expedited, will involve humanitarian issues, the right of voluntary choice and safe return standards as well as political issues, given that some of the refugees may wish to remain in India and will require a generous response from India to grant them a permanent residence status.

Still for all, if the two sides can swing this deal, it will be a huge positive example for the world, two developing countries, finding common solutions within their own resources at a time when the United Nations organisations are falling behind in meeting the bare humanitarian needs of international refugees globally. So the question remains why there is no mention of this initiative in the Modi address?

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