Columns

• Details of Sirisena-Rajapaksa meeting on Thursday kept secret , but former President still pushing for PM’s post
• Dissolution gives reprieve to UNP on major issues, party goes into confident election mode, despite mismanagement charges

After toiling for weeks to win majority support from his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and failing, President Maithripala Sirisena did the next best thing – he dissolved Parliament from midnight Friday.  He had come under pressure and run out of options. That saves him the ignominy of further isolation from his own party, his minority United National Party (UNP) Government and even the international community.

Sri Lankans will now go to the polls on August 17 — a Monday. Nominations are being called from July 6 to 15 and a new Parliament will convene on September 1. The first high priority for a new Government would be how to cope with the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka. It will be presented at UNHRC’s 30th sessions in Geneva from September 14 to October 2. Sirisena is set to receive an advance copy of the report on August 21. As part of counter measures, no domestic inquiry mechanism has been set up so far.

The dissolution, for which behind-the-scenes preparations had been under way for the past week, came after one last ditch attempt by Sirisena to patch things up within the party he leads. Barely 24 hours before placing his signature on the proclamation, Sirisena had another meeting with his predecessor and political arch-rival Mahinda Rajapaksa. Unlike their meeting on May 6, it appeared more cordial. Both sides left a smoke trail through similar statements to suggest no meeting had occurred. However, a lot appears to be untold.

Sirisena’s proclamation dissolving Parliament has also bailed out his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the United National Party (UNP) Government. The votes of no-confidence on Premier Wickremesinghe and Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake have now lapsed. It has also laid to rest the investigation into the Central Bank bond scandal by the parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE). Its Chairman, D.E.W. Gunasekera, was to table the committee’s report on Friday. However, some UNP members in the committee raised objections.

They claimed there were matters in Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran’s evidence which had to be cross checked with his predecessor Ajith Nivard Cabraal. Until then, these members argued, that the report should not be tabled. They refused to sign it. It was decided to meet tomorrow, Monday, June 29. There were allegations made by UNPers that the report was being drafted in a certain house with persons from the previous administration. In the House on Friday, Opposition members were baying for the UNPs blood. They seem to have had a whiff of what the report contained. It was to be an indictment on the Prime Minister and Governor Mahendran for what they said was a Treasury Bonds scam. With the dissolution, however, the COPE has ceased to exist and its investigations have turned invalid. Thus, President Sirisena has also saved the UNP from certain ignominy.

A bigger surprise was the fact that some of Sirisena’s close advisors were not even told about the dissolution. One was Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka, a prime mover behind the 20th Amendment. He learnt of the dissolution from the Indian High Commissioner Y. Kumar Sinha. The Indian envoy even told the Sri Lankan Minister the date for the polls. They were at lunch on Friday with former Indian President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, who is in Colombo to attend an energy symposium on the invitation of Ranawaka. He was to later express his disappointment to colleagues in the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). The other who is livid for not being told is the loquacious Minister Rajitha Senaratne, the official spokesperson of the Cabinet. It was only on Thursday, just a day before the proclamation, he told a media briefing that Parliament would be dissolved only after 20A was passed. Once more, he had lied or been forced to lie blissfully ignorant of what was going on. Sirisena did not trust even his Cabinet spokesperson. Both, Ranawaka and Senaratne were considered close allies of Sirisena in the power games in the country.

On Wednesday, a group of western diplomats who met Sirisena politely raised the issue of elections. He told them that there would be dissolution during the weekend. While they were busy trying to discern when the weekend started, sources at the Presidential Secretariat said Sirisena had informed the United States of the dissolution. This was through diplomatic channels. The US, backed by its allies, had moved successive resolutions on Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. A report based on the probe into alleged war crimes, due in March, was delayed at the Government’s request. President Sirisena told US Secretary of State John Kerry during his April visit that there would be a new Government in place by September. He could now claim that he has kept to that schedule.

In one of the first ceremonies after the dissolution of Parliament at midnight on Friday, President Maithripala Sirisena as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, presided at a graduation ceremony for Army officers at Diyatalawa yesterday. Pic by Pradeep Pathirana

Behind-the-scenes moves
In the past weeks, behind-the-scenes preparations for parliamentary elections have been going on. Sirisena met with Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya to discuss details. He also spoke with Examinations Commissioner W.M.N.J. Pushpakumara who was called upon to re-schedule GCE (Advanced Level) examinations for days ahead and after the poll date of August 17. The examination was to begin on August 4 and continue until 28. The exams has been re-scheduled for two phases – one from Austs 4 to 13 and the next from August 24 to 28. The Elections Commissioner wanted only four days for the major schools to be closed. A few dates before and after August 15 are to be rescheduled. Schools are required for use as polling stations and some of them as counting centres. Sources at the Presidential Secretariat say President Sirisena, Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and former president Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga were in the know that dissolution was on the cards this week. Sirisena also threw a few hints at Wednesday’s ministerial meeting when they took up for discussion different memoranda. Some, he said, were not necessary now since elections were coming.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe placed his UNP Working Committee on ‘high alert.’ He has been empowered to head a Nomination Board and a propaganda committee. There was overwhelming belief in the UNP leadership that the party could return to power with what was seen as a widening split in the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA). However, in the recent weeks, there has been a surge of crowds at meetings held by Rajapaksa, making clear that the UNP has a tough challenge ahead. Ironically, for the UNP, the polls issues had arisen after it formed a minority Government. That includes the Central Bank bond issue scandal, rise in prices of essential commodities, a worsening economy, bribery and corruption within government ranks. Criticism over these and other issues has also been directed at President Sirisena in the past many months on the grounds that he has not been assertive or controlled the Government. Sirisena pledged during a nationally televised swearing in ceremony for ministers that he would deal firmly with any wrongdoing and would not hesitate to remove ministers who erred. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is also to make bribery and corruption in the UNP regime a campaign issue. Its leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has said he would “expose” corrupt activity of the UNP regime at election rallies.

Many questions remain for the UNP’s main rivals at the parliamentary elections. One is not yet sure whether the UPFA and indeed its main constituent partner, the SLFP would close ranks and contest as a single entity or break in two. There are strong indications that the SLFP albeit the UPFA may forward one list of candidates. However, a division, no doubt, would help the UNP. Wickremesinghe believes that Sirisena will not tie up with Mahinda Rajapaksa. During their late night meeting, Sirisena told Rajapaksa that he would under no circumstances pave the way for a division of the party. Whether this was mere rhetoric or there was greater meaning remains to be seen.

The latest Sirisena-Rajapaksa talks are the outcome of a committee of six named at a meeting of SLFP parliamentarians, provincial councillors and local councillors on June 16. They were tasked to bring about peace within the party. The committee urged Sirisena to take Rajapaksa on board. Instead Sirisena, as revealed in these columns last week, offered a “Sambhavaneeya Thanathurak” or a distinguished position. The committee conveyed this to Rajapaksa on Wednesday, but the former President rejected the offer. He declared that it was a move to take him away from the people. The task of conveying Rajapaksa’s response to Sirisena fell on the Chairman of the Committee, Ratnapura District parliamentarian John Seneviratne. He continued the dialogue with Sirisena. It had culminated on the need for another meeting.

This meeting on Thursday night, it turned out, was to coincide with another event. Western Province Chief Minister Prasanna Ranatunga was playing host at a working dinner to all UPFA MPs with the exception of those holding portfolios in the Government. That was at his Green Path official residence. The event had earlier been planned at Water’s Edge in Battaramula. When the management learnt Rajapaksa was going to address an event at the venue, it turned down the booking. This is the same way those in the Rajapaksa administration did when they were in power. Eighty seven UPFA parliamentarians turned up. Rajapaksa, who made a brief speech, noted that he was used to winning and losing elections. President Sirisena had sought the leadership of the SLFP and he had readily heeded the request. He charged that the party had now been given to the UNP. He also said that he had never quit the SLFP and had remained a member. Young parliamentarians, he said, should draw a lesson from this. When it neared 10 p.m., he said, he had to go since he had an important engagement. He left accompanied by John Seneviratne.

Reports on Sirisena-Rajapaksa secret meeting
On Friday morning, media reports which spoke of the Sirisena-Rajapaksa meeting had suggested that it had taken place at the official residence of the Speaker. The offices of both Sirisena and Rajapaksa issued two separate, carefully crafted statements. The wording was identical, blended harmoniously and declared that reports of Sirisena meeting Rajapaksa “at the Speaker’s residence” were wrong. At first glance, one was unable to discern whether it was the meeting or the venue that was wrong or both. The meeting, the Sunday Times learnt, took place at the official residence of the President at Wijerama Mawatha, the same residence ear-marked for Rajapaksa. Sirisena will shift to a house now being renovated near Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya. It was earlier occupied by former media minister Keheliya Rambukwella. The fact that words have been carefully chosen in the two statements meant, to say the least, there was accord among the two sides on what to say. Whether that would dispel the fact that the duo met is doubtful. And the question would be why both wanted to deny the meeting. Or did they only deny they met at the Speaker’s residence.

The Sirisena-Rajapaksa talks had lasted nearly an hour. Around 11.30 p.m. Rajapaksa, accompanied by John Seneviratne returned to the dinner party at the official residence of Chief Minister Ranatunga. There, the former President related what happened to a few trusted allies. He was of course somewhat economic on most details. He claimed Sirisena had sought the meeting. Rajapaksa had remained seated until Sirisena arrived. He rose and greeted him. During the conversation Sirisena had wanted to know whether he was going to contest the parliamentary elections. Though he did not think he was going to do so earlier, the former President had replied that he now wants to contest. Sirisena had pointed out that the UNP would then attack him. Rajapaksa said he had replied that they were continuing to do so and he saw no difference in that. There had also been questions on different meetings that have been held to espouse Rajapaksa’s cause for Prime Ministerial candidacy.

This was with the conduct of the Nugegoda rally. Sirisena had asked him whether he planned to contest or to come on a National List. Rajapaksa had replied that he wanted to contest a District. He had asked Sirisena whether he did not prefer him as a Prime Minister compared to Ranil Wickremesinghe. He had also made a personal explanation about his lifestyle saying he sometimes showed anger, but that was not something he harboured. He would forget such moments. Earlier, Sirisena had made clear Rajapaksa would not be given nominations to contest or be accommodated on the National List. This time, the President had told Rajapaksa that UPFA General Secretary Susil Premajayantha was away from Sri Lanka. He is due in Colombo on Tuesday. He has said he would talk to him upon his return. Before they parted company, Rajapaksa said Sirisena had assured him that he would not do anything that would divide the party. Rajapaksa also said Sirisena had told him there would he a dissolution of Parliament soon. Last night Rajapaksa took part in a Jaya Piritha at the Sunethra Devi Pirivena in Pepiliyana. There were other reports that Sirisena reached understanding with Rajapaksa over key issues. However, this could not be verified and both sides remained tight lipped.

On Friday morning, Sirisena summoned a meeting of his close confidants who included SLFP ministers. He told them that he had met Mahinda Rajapaksa at his request. He had come to his Wijerama residence, a few blocks away from the British High Commission. He said not to disclose this to the media and warned that he would be forced to deny if they did so. He said Rajapaksa had come to ask him to be made the Prime Ministerial candidate from the SLFP. He has refused to do so. Sirisena said they should be prepared for dissolution during the weekend. The Parliamentary sessions they were going for that day could well be the last. A committee was named to formulate SLFP election campaign strategy for the parliamentary elections. Among its members are Sarath Amunugama, S.B. Dissanayake and Mahinda Amaraweera.

Transport to former ministers
At the presidential election in January, several political parties, including the UNP, backed Sirisena. They made a strong pledge to probe bribery, corruption and misrule. This was one of the main pillars on which they sought the mandate of the voter for a change. Their 100-Day Programme of Work has ended with a limited 19A. The Government remained a further 69 days in office at the time of dissolution. Not one single investigation has been brought to a successful conclusion. That those in the presidency and big wigs in the UNP dominated Government brought undue pressure on the state agencies at different times on behalf of those under probe is now a public secret.

A lesser known aspect after Sirisena was voted to power in January is the continued provision of official transport to ministers, deputy ministers and MPs of the former Government. This was decided by President Maithripala Sirisena. Whether it will continue under a caretaker Government remains a question. On February 5, 2015, Presidential Secretary P.B. Abeyakoon gave instructions to all Secretaries to Ministries to give effect to this Presidential ruling. This is what it said:

PROVIDING OFFICIAL TRANSPORT FOR MINISTERS, DEPUTY MINISTERS AND MPs OF THE FORMER GOVERNMENT
“The Government views as its first priority the speedy execution of the 100 Day Programme as was promised, and plans are afoot to establish Oversight Committees to ensure things are carried out in order. The Hon. President has decided that ministers, deputy ministers and MPs of the former government who wish to contribute to these committees should be allowed to do so.
“Consequently it was decided at the cabinet meeting on 28.01.2015 that, in order to facilitate their participation in these committees, these ministers, deputy ministers and MPs will be given official vehicles. (Copy of the cabinet decision attached).

“1. Consequently ministers, deputy ministers and MPs of the former Government will be given official transport facilities. Each Minister and Deputy Minister will be given two vehicles, and each MP will receive one vehicle. If any Member of the Parliament is already in possession of a vehicle given by the former Ministry of Economic Development, such a vehicle will be considered as having been given under this programme.

“2. Former Ministers and Deputy Ministers have to be given their vehicles, fuel and chauffeurs by the ministries in which they previously held their positions. The Members of Parliament will be given their vehicles as well as chauffeurs and fuel by the Ministry of Media and Parliamentary Affairs guided by a committee of ministers selected by the above mentioned cabinet decision (of 28.01.2015).

“3. Each Minister and Deputy Minister will be allocated two chauffeurs and each Member of Parliament will be allocated one chauffeur.

“4. Each vehicle must be supplied with the fuel for a deputy minister according to the circular on state expenses management circular dated 14.10.2005.”

The decision meant money has been spent to sustain two Governments, one which was the former and the other the UNP dominated one. Whether the former Ministers, Deputies or MPs made a contribution and what it was for the 100 Day Programme of Work is not known. In fact, the key pledges made in the programme, like for example electoral reforms, remain unfulfilled. So too, the Right to Information Law. Thus, how such colossal expenditure for over 100 parliamentarians is going to be justified remains a big question, particularly when pledges were made during the presidential election to cut down on waste of public funds. It will be no easy task for the Auditor General to ascertain how the expenditure for the perks offered was disbursed. If the free perks were handed out as a public relations drive to win the support of the MPs to the presidency, it has clearly not worked. Despite the inducements, they went the other way. This also raises the issue of Tissa Attanayake former General Secretary of the UNP. He is being probed by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption for accepting the health portfolio from former President Rajapaksa on the basis that it was a bribe. Similarly, the more than 100 MPs have also received what seems a bribe in the form of perks.

To make matters worse, those among beneficiaries were ones who were moving the votes of No-Confidence on Premier Wickremesinghe and Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake. There was to be one against Public Order Minister John Amaratunga as well. On Tuesday, party leaders discussed a date for the debate for the Premier’s no-faith vote at a meeting chaired by Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa. The UNP was willing to give them a day in the latter part of July. The party leaders decided to also delay the debate on the no-faith vote on Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake by one day, from July 6 to 7. This was because MPs had to attend a ceremony where President Sirisena will present the act of appointment to the new Mahanayake Thera of the Asgiriya Chapter, the Most Ven. Galagama Sri Aththadassi Thera. The event takes place at the Sri Dalada Maligawa audience hall in Kandy. Now, after the dissolution the motions have lapsed.

UNP surprise: Adjournment debate
Other than agreeing to a date change, the UNP sprang a surprise on Tuesday by moving in Parliament for an adjournment debate on electoral reforms. As a result a two-day debate ensued. Without doubt, that appears a master stroke by Premier Wickremesinghe to provide a platform for the critics of 20A in Parliament to air their views. He perhaps knew there would be no debate on 20A itself in view of a then impending dissolution. There were some paradoxical situations arising from this move.

President Sirisena presented a string of Cabinet memoranda on the subject of electoral reforms. In one dated April 29, he sought to increase the number of seats in Parliament to 255 “to broaden the representation.” However, at a special meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers on June 12, he moved another Cabinet memorandum (The Sunday Times – Political Commentary – June 14) to “fix the total number of the seats in Parliament at 237.” This was approved by the UNP dominated Cabinet of Ministers on the same day.

Thereafter, a 20th Amendment to the Constitution Bill was gazetted by the Government on June 15. It says ,”Ordered to be published by the Prime Minister and the Minister of Policy Planning, Economic Affairs, Child, Youth and Cultural Affairs.” In other words, the Prime Minister and the UNP ministers had approved the 20A that was recommended by President Sirisena. However, by then minority and smaller political parties were livid over the provisions. Yet, it would have come for debate before Parliament after the mandatory two week period when the public could petition the Supreme Court (SC) over its constitutionality. There was also the prospect of a delay in the SC hearings when the Bill is challenged as well as possibility of more amendments being introduced during the Committee stage of the debate. Fears over the latter, like in the case of 19A, worried the minority and smaller parties. They were blissfully unaware Sirisena was working on a dissolution of Parliament by then.

Premier Wickremesinghe had obtained the concurrence of President Sirisena beforehand for the debate. There were some embarrassing moments for the President over this issue. Premier Wickremesinghe told the Sunday Times, “We had an adjournment debate to hear the views of the parties. A set of proposals have been gazetted. That was from the SLFP. The outcome shows that there is no two thirds support.” He said on Friday that the UNP was already in election mode and the machinery was moving. In fact the ministers had earlier agreed on the UNP proposals to retain the number of seats at 225. In calling for the debate, Wickremesinghe had opened the doors for dissenting views that did not surface at the ministerial meetings. That was a way at lashing out at those who pushed for the 20A. Little wonder they were not even told of dissolution.

On that Tuesday, the UPFA parliamentary group was set to meet at 11 a.m. at the Presidential Secretariat. Sirisena, however, turned up around 11.40 a.m. MPs were to raise objections over the adjournment debate that was to begin in just over an hour. They said that the President should not allow the debate. It was on the grounds that the 20A would be presented in Parliament and its provisions could then be taken up for debate. Sirisena was to explain that he did not interfere into matters in Parliament. Just then Jaffna District parliamentarian Chandrakumar Murugesu was to tell Sirisena that the President had in fact asked MPs to take part in the debate. Sirisena adjourned the meeting abruptly saying MPs had to travel to Parliament for the sessions beginning at 1 p.m.

Another paradox was how Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva, who is a senior member of the SLFP, was objecting to an adjournment debate. Though not expressly the 20A, it was on electoral reforms. He told the Sunday Times, “We voiced our strong objections to the adjournment debate on the grounds that it was unprecedented. Never before has such a thing happened in Parliament. When a Bill has been gazetted, and a debate is pending, there is no provision in the Standing Orders for us to debate it in advance.” His objections notwithstanding, Wickremesinghe’s strategy to expose how the 20A saw the light of day had been bared.

Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader and Minister Rauff Hakeem was to make a confession. He said during the debate that there was a dictatorship by a small group within the Cabinet of Ministers against minority as well as smaller political parties. He said it was being run by what he called a “Kitchen Cabinet” who were close associates of the President but declined to name them since he was bound by collective responsibility. However, as revealed in these columns periodically, Hakeem has been locking horns with Ministers Champika Ranawaka and Rajitha Senaratne among others over issues related to electoral reforms. He was to point out that though former President Rajapaksa did not agree sometimes with views expressed by ministers, he allowed them to say what they wanted. However, during meetings of the current Cabinet of Ministers he was being shouted down. Thus, their views on the electoral reforms were not incorporated in the 20A Bill. Though he was reported as saying he – and the SLMC regretted having ousted Rajapaksa, Hakeem told a news conference on Friday this is not what he had meant.

Hakeem also called for the convening of the Constitutional Council, citing provisions in the 19A which has made the nomination of all members, particularly three “of eminence and integrity who have distinguished themselves in public or professional life” as now legally valid. This is in terms of article 6 of 19A which requires the President to make the necessary appointments on the nomination of members. The provision states, “In the event of the President failing to make the necessary appointments within such period of fourteen days, the persons nominated shall be deemed to have been appointed as members of the Council, with effect from the date of expiry of such period.” The Parliament had not made the recommendations on the appointments. Hakeem wants the CC to make the appointments to the independent commissions set up under 19A.

A suspenseful week in politics has ended with Friday’s dissolution. Sirisena failed to win majority support in the SLFP albeit the UPFA. He also tried to win over local councillors by extending the life of Pradeshiya Sabhas by a month. That did not bring in dividends. Most councillors did not turn to him. The prospects of his remaining a ‘neutral umpire’ during the parliamentary elections seem a strong likelihood. Mahinda Rajapaksa appears to have won a political lottery with a second meeting with Sirisena. If indeed there is an “understanding”, investigations against the Rajapaksas are sure to lapse much the same way the COPE investigations into the Central Bank bond issue scandal have. For Premier Wickremesinghe and the UNP, a minority Government in office for 169 days and a reprieve in the form of the lapsing no-confidence motions and a COPE investigation has given a new lease of life. However, the thrust of going to polls straight from a caretaker Government is slowed down by mounting accusations of bribery and corruption by some UNP ministers and officials. That taint, there is little doubt, may reflect in some of the ballot papers if not many.