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While GL Peiris was foreign minister during the Rajapaksa era, Monitoring MP wasvirtually running the show
Powerful minister, known as ‘Mr. Money Bags’ arranged STF protection
Standards Committee including laypersons needed to maintain discipline in our Parliament as in the British House of Commons
Sajin de Vass Gunawardena, ‘Monitoring MP’ for the Foreign Ministry in the previous government, was no ordinary politician. He was a man of many parts and a fixer of good many things which were beyond the realm of others.
He posted or transferred Sri Lankan diplomats to serve in overseas missions. He literally ran the Foreign Ministry leaving Minister G.L. Peiris to deal with international or bilateral issues and deliver speeches at events. He chose popular movies on CDs for former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to enjoy on flights overseas. Once a wharf clerk in Dubai, he developed a penchant for good living. He employed a Kenyan butler at his Colombo home to serve VVIP guests.
He was so powerful that he sent hand written chits to the Central Bank’s then Governor Ajit Nivard Cabraal. These chits triggered CBSL remittances of a total of US dollars 872 million to different lobbying companies in the US. There was no approval by any ministry or agency. One such remittance was to Pakistan born US citizen Imad Zuberi who lived in Los Angeles. He did not represent a firm but was said to be a ‘broker’ or more pointedly an influence peddler.
Zuberi had traded on his acquaintance with former US President Barrack Obama and bandied photographs of the duo. This was after serving in his fundraising committee for the presidential election. These remittances were ostensibly to soften the United States government or to change its mind over a resolution Washington was to move then against Sri Lanka over alleged human rights violations and war crimes when the separatist war ended in May 2009. These funds, which could have been put to better public use in Sri Lanka, went down the drain.
The Sunday Times has made a string of disclosures over this colossal waste. These notwithstanding, the US not only moved a strongly worded resolution at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva but Sri Lanka, which was under the current coalition government, co-sponsored it. If nothing else, in doing so, the Government acknowledged the official US position on Sri Lanka – one which Vass Gunawardena was ostensibly trying to change with state funds. Those at the Sri Lanka Embassy in Washington DC was so ineffective, diplomats there played little or no role. It is only now there is a lot of finger pointing on who gave the final approval for the co-sponsorship. One is reminded of the saying that victory has many fathers and defeat is an orphan. The mystery remains.
Zuberi’s business has been the subject of an investigation by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). In Sri Lanka, both the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) probed a number of cases involving Vass Gunawardena. So did a Commission of Inquiry. These included the remittances of money to US public relations agencies and a number of other alleged irregularities. That was the time when there was a détente between former Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) backers led by ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the United National Party (UNP) led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.
A senior UNPer, who spoke on grounds of anonymity, confessed that despite polls pledges, this détente meant that the investigative machinery was not accelerated at high speed over major cases of bribery, corruption and other abuses. This was in the belief that the SLFP and its leader Maithripala Sirisena would have become stronger overshadowing the UNP. It boomeranged. Even President Sirisena raised issue at weekly ministerial meetings over protracted delays and accused a UNP minister of being responsible. Now, the senior UNPer admitted, “we are forced to move at high speed in view of the impending elections, both presidential and parliamentary.” A senior Police investigator lamented, “It was politics that slowed us. It is politics that is speeding us now.”
In this ‘honeymoon’ between two ostensibly hostile political parties, one of the luckiest and biggest beneficiaries was Vass Gunawardena. Instead of being taken to task, he received preferential treatment. He moved around like a Cabinet Minister even under the present coalition government.
This was possible only because of a very powerful UNP Minister, mischievously named ‘Mr Money Bags’ by some of his own colleagues. He ensured that Vass Gunawardena received personal protection from the Police Special Task Force (STF) commandos — a rare privilege even among ministers. They escorted him wherever he travelled including public functions. Police investigators saw a veiled message in it for them — traverse carefully. Today, even members of the Cabinet receive protection mostly from the Ministerial Security Division (MSD) which is a marked contrast. There are a few exceptions like in the case of Sarath Fonseka, the former Army Commander and Chief of Defence Staff. Vaas Gunawardena enjoyed the STF security detail until it came to the attention of President Sirisena. He ordered that it be withdrawn immediately.
Last week brought bad news not only for Vass Gunawardena but generated adverse publicity to the country. The British House of Commons, whose hallowed model and traditions are followed in Sri Lanka in the conduct of what remains as a democracy, one of the former ‘Monitoring MP’s’ prized acquisitions, for whom millions of state funds had been spent, fell from grace. He is Ian Richard Kyle Paisley, MP for North Atrium (Northern Ireland) in the House of Commons. He is from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP).
Paisley is one of ten DUP MPs on whose majority the fate of the Conservative Party minority government of Prime Minister Theresa May now rests. He remained just an MP; he has been suspended for 30 (sitting) days from the Commons and his own party has suspended him pending inquiry into his conduct. Paisley is also likely to face a by-election which he says he will contest. His father Ian Paisely Snr. was a protestant religious leader from Northern Ireland and served as founder leader of the DUP. He was also First Minister for Northern Ireland.
The House of Commons Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards Sir Kevin Barron, a Labour MP, held that Paisely was guilty on three different counts. Barron heads the 14-member committee, which, interesting enough, comprises seven laymen. They probed Paisely after disclosures made in a Daily Telegraph report in September 2017. Other members are MPs from different political parties. The counts, which make clear that the previous government spent money to purchase influence and failed miserably on the diplomatic front, are:
Paisely breached the House of Commons rule on paid advocacy (lobbying in return for reward or consideration) by writing to British Prime Minister David Cameron on March 19 2014 to lobby against supporting a UN resolution on Sri Lanka. This amounted to asking for an exclusive benefit for Sri Lanka, when he had received personal benefit and hospitality from the Sri Lankan government within the previous twelve months;
Note: This letter, the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards said, was sent after “Paisely was prohibited from lobbying for the exclusive benefit of the Sri Lankan government for a year.” It was established that “he had accepted financial benefits from the Sri Lankan government.” This episode reveals that those in the Sri Lanka High Commission in London had not even cultivated a single MP there to espouse the country’s cause. They had to purchase his support. This is despite millions of Sterling Pounds being spent for their upkeep every year and incompetent persons posted there often as political rewards. It is no different now.
At the same time, Paisely breached the House’s rules on declaration by failing to declare the personal benefit and hospitality from the Sri Lankan government in his letter to the Prime Minister on March 19, 2014;
Breached the House’s rules on registration of interests by failing to register within 28 days as agreed by the House the two visits made to Sri Lanka with family members in March/April and in July 2013.
Note: Another visit made by Paisley from November 11 to 15, 2013 was not the subject of an inquiry. This is because it “was properly recorded in the Register of Members’ Finance Interests” and related to the Commonwealth summit in Colombo in November 2013. Vass Gunawardena had extended an invitation through the Foreign Ministry. Paisley had, however, not registered the two previous visits.
Pro-Mahinda Rajapaksa supporters who are in the majority in the ‘Joint Opposition’ could not explain the Paisely affair, at least their position, in Parliament. As is known now, top rungs of the ‘Joint Opposition’, barring a few firebrands in their ranks like Wimal Weerawansa and other young MPs, are very soft on their opposite side — the government benches — and let many a key political issue quietly slip by without a murmur. Whether this is out of fears over their own misdemeanours in the past, issues with their own leadership or the result of any tacit understanding is not clear.
There have been numerous instances where they have not been defending their own cause or playing the rightful role of an Opposition to ensure checks and balances like in other democracies. With both the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) virtually backing the UNP on most issues, the ‘JO’s’ ineffectiveness is a contributory cause for a ‘performance imbalance’ in Parliament. Political issues surface largely at news conferences and at talk shows on television channels. Thus the era of an aggressive government and a fierce opposition is long gone and has been replaced by compromises or being non-committal.
This is notwithstanding the ‘JO’ demands on Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to recognise it as the main opposition. This week, one of its stalwarts, Dullas Allahapperuma wrote to the Speaker on the matter. It has been a cause for concern for formidable sections within the group, in the light of particularly the scheduled presidential election in 2020. This has been one of the main causes for former Foreign Minister G.L. Peiris, now the President of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Party (SLPP), to conduct regular news conferences at the N.M. Perera Centre in Cotta Road, Borella, and speak out on issues. This week, he dwelled on the Paisely affair and declared he was invited after the separatist war ended in May 2009, suggesting that it was for possible visits to the former battle areas or on related matters. There was none. The truth is completely different. The only two visits – April and July 2013 – were the subjects of investigation by the House of Commons Committee on Parliamentary Standards.
Paisley and family arrived in Colombo from London by SriLankan Airlines flight UL 503 and departed by UL 502 on their first visit. A helicopter picked them up from close to the apron of the Bandaranaike International Airport for the flight to Colombo. Once again, they landed in a helicopter near the apron to board their return flight. The Sunday Times is able to reveal the facts leading to the two different visits.
VISIT TO SRI LANKA FROM MARCH 30 TO APRIL 5, 2013
The courtesies extended to Ian Paisely and his family on this visit were fit enough for a visiting head of state. It all began after Vass Gunawardena, accompanied by a relative, had a dinner meeting in London with Paisley and a friend on January 30, 2013. Paisley later e-mailed the ‘Monitoring MP’ thanking him for his hospitality. He said, “I want to follow up on your kind offer of a visit for myself and my family. Given family commitments and school holidays would it be possible to visit between 30th March returning on 6th April. I trust this would be possible. If so I can send you passport details…”
Paisley also raised another unusual issue in the same e-mail. He said, “At dinner we discussed a potential oil purchase. I have two significant arrangements with national oil suppliers in either Oman or Nigeria. I understand from your conversation you require a regular supply and are currently changing your filters on the refinery to take other than Iran oil. If you can let me know the quantity and quality specifications of oil requirements I can certainly make this happen very quickly…..” This reference clearly shows that Vass Gunawardena wielded power to negotiate deals though the subject of fuel procurements came under a Cabinet Minister.
On Vass Gunawardena’s instructions, Majintha Jayasinghe, the then Chief of Protocol in the Foreign Ministry e-mailed Paisley on February 1, 2013. He said “the dates are fine and we can go ahead with those dates. As for Nigeria, please kindly propose two sets of dates in order to co-ordinate the travel accordingly.” By February 23, 2013, Paisley replied the then Chief of Protocol re-confirming the dates and giving passport numbers of the Paisley family. Shocking enough there were two others not connected to the family. Here are the details:
Ian Richard Kyle Paisely (205536156), Fiona Margaret Elizabeth Paisely, wife (509907893), Emily Fiona Elizabeth Paisely, daughter (652497104), Lucy Jayne Paisley, daughter (6524970099), Thomas Ian James Paisley, son (510062732) and Mathew Ian Richard Paisley, son (801324801). In their application for visas submitted to the Sri Lanka High Commission in London, all six declared that the purpose of their visit to Sri Lanka was “official.”
That is not all. There was Aidan Burley (094285917), a friend of Ian Paisley’s son Thomas and his girlfriend Jodie Louise Jones (510655737) who were also invited by Vass Gunawardena to visit Sri Lanka.
The Protocol Division in the Foreign Ministry made the ticketing arrangements with SriLankan Airlines. An e-mail to them said the six from the Paisely family were members of a “British delegation.” The two who were not Ian Paisley family members, the message said, however, would arrive on May 22 and depart on May 31, 2013. For these two passengers, SriLankan Airlines first quoted Rs 109,145 each for a four months valid economy ticket and later changed it to one year valid Rs 156,445 per ticket. The six members of the Paisley family were given Business Class tickets each worth Rs 585,035. A Mercedes Benz and a luxury van were assigned to the family for ground transport with English speaking drivers.
This is how the programme for the Paisley family went on:
Saturday March 30, 2013 – Arrival at the Bandaranaike International Airport. Transfer to VIP Lounge “Laksri.” Fly by helicopter to Defence Ministry grounds and drive to Colombo Hilton. Shopping in Colombo.
Sunday March 31, 2013 – Leave for Pasikudah by helicopter. Arrive at Amethyst Hotel (Note: This was a hotel owned by Vass Gunawardena and later sold). Spend the day at hotel.
Monday April 1, 2013 – Spend the day at Amethyst Hotel.
Tuesday April 2, 2013: From Amethyst Hotel in Pasikudah leave by road to Minneriya National Park, Kaudulla National Park, Huruluwewa National Park and return to hotel. Spend night there. En route to hotel lunch at the Lodge in Habarana.
Wednesday April 3, 2013 – Spend the day at Amethyst Hotel, Pasikudah.
Thursday April 4, 2013 – Leave Amethyst Hotel, Pasikudah by helicopter to Heritance Hotel, Ahungalla. Spend night at hotel. He occupied the Presidential suite at Heritance Hotel.
Friday April 5, 2013 – Leave Heritance Hotel, Ahungalla by helicopter to Colombo. Arrive at Colombo Hilton. Leave for 1305 hrs departure fight to the Bandaranaike International Airport. Land near the apron area and board flight.
At the Colombo Hilton, the Paisley family occupied three double rooms. At the Heritance Hotel in Ahungalla, they were given the Presidential suite and two double rooms. At the Amethyst in Pasikudah, they were given three double rooms. The Protocol Officer accompanying them had also to be allotted a room in three of these hotels to be on hand to attend to the needs of the Paisleys.
Vass Gunawardena had arranged for Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) helicopters to fly the Paisley family. The SLAF that flew a Bell 412 helicopter (Colombo – Pasikudah – Galle – Colombo) charged the Foreign Ministry US dollars 8,866.66. The rupee equivalent according to the SLAF Helitours Charter forwarded by the Officer-in-charge Squadron Leader K.A.P.S. Kuruwita on April 8, 2013, was more than Rs 1.208 million.
Here is how the second visit to Sri Lanka by Ian Paisely and his family went:
VISIT TO SRI LANKA FROM JULY 2 TO 11 2013
Vass Gunawardena invited the Paisley family again. Thereafter, on June 12, 2013, Paisley sent an e-mail to then then Chief of Protocol Majintha Jayasinghe that he would wish to travel to Sri Lanka from July 2 to July 10/11. He said he would be accompanied by wife Fiona, sons Thomas and Maththew. SriLankan Airlines charged Rs 468,422 for a Business Class ticket for each member of the family. They arrived together with a little child by flight UL 504, an Airbus 330-200 at the BIA at 12.50 p.m. and departed by UL 503 on July 11 to London in the same type of aircraft.
Here is how their programme went through:
Sunday July 2, 2013 – Arrival at BIA and transfer to VIP Lounge “Laksri” Leave by helicopter from near apron area to Heritance, Kandalama. Spend night.
Monday July 3, 2013 – Leave Heritance, Kandalama after lunch by road to Dambulla Rock Temple. Return to the hotel and night stay.
Tuesday July 4, 2013 – Leave Heritance, Kandalama after lunch by helicopter to Kandy. Land at Pallekele Army grounds. Travel by road and check in at Earl’s Regency.
Wednesday July 5, 2013 – Leave Earl’s Regency Hotel after breakfast by road to Dalada Maligawa. Return to the hotel.
Thursday July 6, 2013 – Leave after breakfast by road to the Pinnawela Elephant Orphanage. Lunch at the Pinnalanda Restaurant. Leave by helicopter to Heritance, Ahungalla. Dinner and stay. He occupied the Presidential suite.
Friday 7th July to Saturday 10th July (Four days) – Leisure days at Heritance, Ahungalla. Private visits to places of interest were arranged and transport provided. Sunday 11th July – Leave by helicopter from Heritance Ahungalla to the BIA for departure to London.
At the Heritance, Kandalama, the Paisley’s were given the Presidential Suite for triple occupation on a full board basis. This was for US$ 540 per room night. At Earl’s Regency, a junior suite was given for triple occupation at US$ 400 per night. At Heritance, Ahungalla too they were given the Presidential Suite for triple occupancy at US$ 450 per night.
The helicopter rides provided by Helitours, the commercial arm of the SLAF, cost a total of US$ 14,750. It was made up as follows: BIA to Kandalama US$ 3,950, Kandalama-Kandy US$ 3,950 and Ahungalla to BIA US$ 3,200. There were other costs too. An E-Class Mercedes Benz was hired for ground trips with an English speaking driver when they were at the three hotels.
As is clear from these details, former Foreign Minister Peiris is either wholly unaware of what his ‘Monitoring MP’ was doing then, or makes a misleading statement that the conclusion of the separatist war prompted the Paisley invitation. Why such paid holidays for a person who served only as an ordinary MP in the House of Commons? Why negotiate oil deals with such persons? Are there Paisley colleagues who have also been influenced by Vass Gunawardena? Those familiar with the issue claim there were at least three others. This is besides the administrative head of a highly coveted organisation whom Vass Gunawardena allegedly won over with his own brand of charm offensive.
During his visits to Sri Lanka, Paisely has been a very outgoing personality. He made friends with mostly hotel staffers. When some of them visited Britain, Paisely not only showed them around the House of Commons but also hosted them for a meal. He also showered them with presents. One of them, a hotel manager, received a wrist watch with a picture of the House of Commons on the dial. Another received a pen with the name House of Commons embedded on it.
During hearings before the Parliamentary Committee on Standards, Paisely repeated the same views expressed at the news conference by former Foreign Minister Peiris. Paisley said his visits to Sri Lanka had enabled him “to gain wider knowledge of the political and social situation on the ground in Sri Lanka.” He said he was sure that his “knowledge and experience of post-conflict resolution added a dimension to (the Sri Lanka government’s) desire to properly inform me about the issues. I do not believe that the (Sri Lanka) government did this as a gift to me solely because it liked me….….if others want to inform me during times that I have set aside for my family and can accommodate my family, I will certainly ensure my family travels with me….”
Paisley’s suspension is the longest in the House of Commons since 1949. After the Standards Committee’s findings were made known, he extended an unconditional apology for his error of judgement.
The Paisley saga provides perhaps only a glimpse of how the conduct of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy had gone on during the previous regime. Those misadventures — when there are diplomatic missions which could have carried out their tasks more effectively — are lessons learnt. Ironically not much has changed under the tutelage of the present coalition government. Heads of some diplomatic missions overseas still remain vacant, more importantly in Washington DC, the US capital. In the Foreign Ministry corridors, the story doing the rounds is the view of an all-important bureaucrat who says he could run the mission from Colombo. Why then have an embassy and spend money for its upkeep? On the other hand, appointments of envoys, contrary to pledges made during presidential and parliamentary elections, remain political rewards. Some of them have been gifted to those who are grossly incompetent and do not even know where the country of their positing is located on the world map leave alone their leaders.
Perhaps, there is a lesson Sri Lanka could take from the practice in the House of Commons. More so when it follows the traditions of Westminster. That is the setting up of a Standards Committee with not only MPs but also including laypersons who are eminent including retired judges. That would ensure checks and balances not only in the legislature. There is also a need for such a body to govern the conduct of members of local authorities and even the Provincial Councils. It is no secret that PC members have now become prone to “study tours” overseas spending public funds. Others go on trips on invitations extended by foreign diplomatic missions in Colombo. There are lessons to be learnt still, from the Mother of Parliaments as the House of Commons is popularly known.
Inside story of Paisley family visits and Vaas Gunawardena’s ploys