Columns

• Says Budget is “not important” but ‘Aandu Virodhi’ or anti-Govt. campaign after Avurudu
• Prime Minister seeks more non-Cabinet rank ministers
• Gotabaya hands in papers to renounce US citizenship in Washington D.C.

The jet-black Russian Mi-17 VIP helicopter with a satellite phone and television among on board systems glistened in the hot sunlight as it touched down, raising a cloud of dust at the Asgiriya grounds in Kandy last Monday.

President Maithripala Sirisena alighted. He was rather early. It was for the colourful ceremony where the United National Party (UNP) Deputy Leader and Minister Sajith Premadasa received a title of honour – Sasana Deepa Abhimani Sri Lanka Janaranjana. The silver scroll containing the testament was handed to him by the Most Venerable Thibotuwawe Sri Siddharatha Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter during an event televised countrywide.

Accompanying President Sirisena were Public Administration and Disaster Management Minister Ranjit Madduma Bandara and Krishantha Prasad Cooray, a confidant and one of President’s advisors. Cooray, Chairman of Lake House as well as Hotel Developers Ltd., the owning company of Colombo Hilton, suggested that Sirisena springs a surprise by visiting Minister Malik Samarawickreme at his Kandy residence in Sirimalwatte, just past Tennekumbura bridge and clock tower.

Minister and UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa last Sunday received the Sasana Deepa Abhimani Sri Lanka Janaranjana honour from the Most Venerable Thibotuwawe Sri Siddharatha Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter. Flanked by President Maithripala Sirisena on one side and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on the other, Premadasa is seen taking part in a pansil ceremony. The event was shown live on state television.

Cooray has endeavoured to repair ruptured relations between the President and International Trade Minister Samarawickrema and Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera since the political turmoil began in October last year. This is particularly with Samaraweera, who likened Sirisena during that period to a member of the stray canine breed. As required by law Sirisena had brought the Central Bank back under the Finance Ministry. It was earlier under the Prime Minister. The SriLankan Airlines came thereafter. They have now established close rapport. The two ministers had travelled together from Colombo to Kandy by road.

When Mahinda Rajapaksa took over as Prime Minister on October 26 last year — a move declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court after the dissolution of Parliament — Wasantha P. Ramanayake was appointed as the new Chairman of Lake House. However, President Sirisena prevailed on Rajapaksa not to make any change at Hotel Developers Ltd. Rajapaksa had nominated Gamini Abeyratne, often referred to as Taxi Abey. Cooray was being driven to Kandy when he was interrupted by a telephone call. It was President Sirisena asking him to return so they may travel together in the Air Force VIP helicopter from Colombo.

When President Sirisena was driven to Samarawickrema’s picturesque house overlooking the Mahaweli River, it was not only Samaraweera, as Cooray thought, who would be there. Just two or three minutes before they turned up, Premier Wickremesinghe had arrived there. He had in fact told Samarawickrema earlier to arrange lunch for him and was sipping a drink. He had flown in another Air Force VIP helicopter from Hambantota.

When Sirisena and the duo entered the Samarawickrema residence, there was shock all-round. “I was pleasantly surprised to see President Sirisena walking in,” declared Minister Samarawickrema to the Sunday Times. It is only then that Sirisena saw the Prime Minister seated. Cooray was unaware of his presence, too. Thereafter, Sirisena and the duo remained there for about ten minutes. He politely turned down Samarawickrema’s request to join them for lunch. After an exchange of courtesies, he had a cup of tea and left with the politician and the state media boss. No sooner had they left, Premier Wickremesinghe asked Minister Samarawickrema whether he knew the President was coming. He replied he did not expect the President and he had turned up all of a sudden. Sirisena and party later sat down for lunch at the President’s House in Kandy.

Live coverage for Sajith
There were some significant nuances in President Sirisena’s role and in Premadasa’s crowning of a title of honour by the Most Venerable Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter. In the past weeks, Premadasa has made his presence felt at several public functions attended by Sirisena and they have been videoed and photographed together. Before leaving Colombo, President Sirisena had ordered the state broadcaster, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) to provide live coverage of the event. This is notwithstanding protocol considerations. In terms of that, Premadasa is only a Cabinet Minister and the Deputy Leader of the UNP and is thus not eligible to receive live television coverage. Even if a very high fee was to be paid, it would have still required approval at the highest levels since it involved state policy.

In marked contrast, Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya, also received an award from Most Venerable Thibottuwawe Sri Siddharatha Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter on March 19. His title was “Sasana Keerthi Shri Deshabhimani.” He had previously won honours of “Vishva Keerthi Shri Lanka Janaranjana” and ‘Saarartha Darshi Janatha Nayaka”from the Sri Lanka Ramanna Maha Nikaya.
There was no live SLRC coverage for his event, though the Speaker, according to the Sri Lanka Constitution, is third in the protocol table after the President and the Prime Minister,
If President Sirisena sat on Premadasa’s left and Premier Wickremesinghe on his right clasping their hands in worship, they were not there for Speaker Jayasuriya. There was only his son-in-law Minister Navin Dissanayake, the UNP’s national organiser seated behind. Also present at Premadasa’s event were self-acclaimed frontliners who back former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the presidential candidate. They popped their heads from the back rows as cameras clicked and television cameras rolled.

Coming from a most venerated sect of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, it is noteworthy that the sect conferred honours on both Speaker Jayasuriya and Minister Sajith Premadasa. One event followed another in just ten days. Why then is the attention and emphasis on Premadasa more than it was for Speaker Jayasuriya? In simple terms, for UNP leader Wickremesinghe, who aspires to be his party’s presidential candidate, Premadasa could be his “running mate” or the Prime Ministerial candidate. That way, he seeks to take at least a part of the heat off from dissidents within his own party to foist Premadasa as presidential candidate — an issue which would be of concern even for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and its allies.

It is President Sirisena’s own action to promote Premadasa that raises issues. He has confessed publicly last year that he offered the post of Prime Minister to Premadasa on two different occasions. They were spurned by Premadasa. During the 51-day political turmoil, Premadasa publicly vowed to back Wickremesinghe and wait his turn. Firstly, for President Sirisena, have the new interactions with Premadasa and the evolving circumstances, changed his stance? With his known and increased antipathy towards Wickremesinghe, does the President believe he could wean away a section of the UNP under Premadasa’s leadership? In the event of a difficult situation, does he, therefore, believe he, too, could (together with his divided Sri Lanka Freedom Party) support Premadasa? These are among the many questions that arise.

Secondly, what would all this mean for Premadasa? He has already won a political acronym “Miniha Aasai Bayai” or meaning “The man loves it but is frightened.” That he has remained largely a conformist other than the occasional critical rhetoric and his reported vacillation to take decisions earned him that sobriquet. During two different cabinet meetings in recent years, he threatened to quit against decisions taken but sheepishly fell in line later. Yet, Premadasa continues to harness Sirisena’s goodwill with open arms. He also has considerable backing in the south and is popular there. He is an excellent orator, too. Thus, Sirisena and Wickremesinghe are cashing in on the honouring of Premadasa for different reasons.

Just this week, one of two ministers who are very close allies of Premier Wickremesinghe expressed serious concerns over developments within the party. In what seemed an unusual move, one of them conveyed the concerns to a prominent opposition personality with whom he maintained very close relations. He said that moves were under way to prevent Wickremesinghe from becoming the presidential candidate. The opposition personality who has his own plate full, one source said, only made the point that “why can’t you settle your issues peacefully?”

It is this backdrop that has triggered both speculation and specific activity by different political parties represented in Parliament. One is the oft repeated call to President Sirisena from certain SLFPers to allow them to take cabinet portfolios in the United National Front (UNF) government. He has stood firm and declared he will not allow that to happen. They have been having backchannel talks with the UNF leadership for a long period now. At least, for a couple of them, a crossover will be inevitable sooner than later.

Likelihood of early Parliamentary elections
Another move that has gained some traction is the proposed 20th Amendment, fronted by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a passive ally of the UNF. The JVP is backing the UNF together with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). In fact, a UNP lawyer and one from the TNA are credited with formulating the draft “marketed” by the JVP. A section is busy offering changes to the 20A draft. One is to make provision to give 12 more bonus seats for the winning party to ensure a majority. There is at present a bonus seat of one from each district totalling 22. The idea behind this dialogue is to abolish the executive presidency and go immediately for a parliamentary election.

One of the fine threads running through all this is significant — to allow the incumbent Executive President to continue to function as a ‘ceremonial’ (non-executive) President for three years. That underscores the fact that even President Sirisena’s own position is taken into consideration. A close presidential ally, who interacts with the JVP, has made this possible. It has also been suggested that the elections should be conducted under the existing proportional representation system since introducing another mode would be time consuming. There are still doubts whether the current move would materialise in the light of reservations expressed by representatives of key parties.

Yet, these behind-the-scenes initiatives only make clear how unstable and worrying the country’s political situation has turned out to be. This is on top of the prolonged power cuts, causing a severe blow to the people, ahead of the National New Year season. There are now threats of water cuts. It behoves on the UNF government to find long-term remedies before making glorious pledges of turning Colombo into a major economic hub in the future. Many political leaders have only been advertising coming attractions. Most have not arrived. They are blaming the previous administration for all the evils heaped on the people. The fact that the people outvoted the previous administration for its failures is lost on the government leaders.

Sirisena’s campaign
President Sirisena feels that these are largely the responsibilities of the UNF government. He has, therefore, laid emphasis on his own programmes, ahead of the presidential election in seven months. He has commendably mobilised the Police to go after drug lords in a campaign to prevent abuse. This is highly laudable since the Police Department, which was under the UNF for four long years, was unable to come up with such a campaign or fight mounting crime. The two ministers in charge of Law and Order, one after another, failed miserably in this sphere.

President Sirisena has still to be mindful of the pitfalls in the anti-drugs campaign. Some have already begun likening it to the mid-1960s when the then Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake launched his campaign to increase paddy production. It grew not in the paddy fields, but on paper, in official statistics that were put out. Similarly, the vast drug hauls claimed to be discovered have to be watched to determine whether they are true. An authoritative Police official, who did not wish to be identified, said that a stock of 500 kilogrammes of cocaine thrown overboard from a ship raised questions since there was no ‘convincing’ evidence. President Sirisena also referred to the throwing at a public event.

Also, relations are sour with countries like the United Arab Emirates (UAE), from where drug lords are being repatriated. So much so, there has been no official intimation from the UAE that the persons arrested in the drug bust in Dubai were being sent back to Colombo. It is no secret that the rupture has been caused by the alleged unprofessional conduct of teams that went from Colombo to probe the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) MiG-27 fighter jet scandal. This has become much worse than the procurement of the aircraft itself though the authorities have remained stoically silent.

Can the anti-drugs drive coupled together with a few other initiatives hold Sirisena in good stead as a presidential candidate? Foremost in answering the question is how he would contest, only as SLFP candidate or together with the backing of the SLPP allies. If it is from the SLFP, there is no gainsaying he would have to first settle mounting issues within. That is not easy. Other than a few, there is a dividing line among its parliamentarians. One section wants to go with the UNF and another with the SLPP. Nevertheless, he has insisted that the party’s organisers should ensure a larg turnout for the SLFP’s May Day rally at the Miriswatte grounds in Gampaha. He met them on Tuesday. He said those responsible for the electorates of Kegalle and Kurunegala should ensure there were at least thousand taking part from each area. Others have been told that they should muster crowds that are 500 strong from each electorate.

The prospects of the SLPP and its allies backing Sirisena as their presidential candidate are now nil. It threatened to widen after Sirisena on Thursday urged his SLFP parliamentarians to refrain from voting during the third reading or the final vote on the budget. Unlike the previous voting for the second reading where some opposed it, SLFP parliamentarians were not present in the chamber. They had all fallen in line with Sirisena’s directive.
The third reading of the budget for 2019 was passed with a majority of 45 votes on Friday with 119 members voting in favour and 74 against. At voting time, the notable absentees were a section of the UPFA faction known to be supporting President Sirsena. But, six of them – Piyasena Gamage, A.H.M.Fowzie, Lakshman Seneviratne, Wijith Wijayamuni Zosya, Manusha Nanayakkara and Indika Bandaranayake voted in support of the Budget. They had crossed over to the government benches earlier.

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya in his concluding remarks said the 25-day debate included heated arguments at times. The final day’s debate too, though largely confined to matters concerning the country’s economy, suddenly appeared to shift focus with UPFA member Nimal Lanza and State Minister Ranjan Ramanayake trading allegations against each other. The ugly remarks prompted Education Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam to request the Speaker to remove the school children from the Gallery. It was done. The next parliamentary sessions are to be held on May 7.

Last Tuesday’s much awaited SLFP parliamentary group meeting with Sirisena in the chair, was to decide on the party stance on the final voting of the budget. But it was an anti-climax. Yet, it highlighted the divisions within and was a pointer to the direction in which the party is headed. President Sirisena noted, “We cannot abstain during the second reading and support it at the final stage.”

Backing him were Sarath Amunugama and Mahinda Samarasinghe, two former ministers who are strongly in favour of patching up differences with the UNF. Both opined that Sirisena should send out a clear message. Those who were in favour of voting against the budget included Dayasiri Jayasekera (SLFP General Secretary), Nimal Siripala de Silva (SLFP Senior Deputy Leader), Mahinda Amaraweera and Thilanga Sumathipala.
There was a heated exchange when Sumathipala continued to insist that the party should vote against the budget. Sirisena was stern in his tone when he asked “are you telling me to stop the move to abstain?” Nishantha Muthuhettigama (UPFA – Galle District), who had voted against the budget in the second reading said he had not been aware of the party’s thinking. This time, he said, he would refrain from voting in keeping with the President’s move. Conspicuous by his absence was political broker S.B. Dissanayake, who was go-between in talks earlier between Sirisena and Mahinda Rajapaksa. A formal decision, President Sirisena said, would be announced at a joint meeting of the SLFP-SLPP parliamentary group. He said he would explain at this meeting the reasons why such a decision was being taken.

The joint meeting took place in the parliamentary complex on Thursday, but there was no discussion on the subject of the final voting in the budget.

Post-Avurudu political battle
President Sirisena said that the budget was “not an all-important” matter. What was more important was the “Aandu Virodhi Satana” or the fight against the (UNF) government. He said all of them (meaning the SLFP and the SLPP with its allies) should be prepared for it. Once the Avurudhu season is over, there is a big fight waiting to be carried out jointly. Siyalu Balavega or all forces will have to get together, he declared. Parliamentarian Dullas Allahapperuma, who led the SLPP at the talks with the SLFP delegation, made a few attempts to draw Sirisena’s attention to the final voting in the budget. He was, however, not successful and Sirisena continued with his speech.

Sirisena then made some critical comments on the UNF. He said UNF Lands Minister Gayantha Karunatilleke had presented a Cabinet Memorandum. He had sought to block off different plots of coconut land and hand them over to those wanting to set up export processing zones. The President said he had objected to it. Thereafter, he had learnt that even without Cabinet approval such lands had been Gazetted to be distributed. He had taken the matter up and raised strong objections. The move had come at a time when coconut prices were high. Moreover, even if new coconut plantations were opened up, it would have taken years for the trees to grow and bear fruit. SLFP General Secrertary Dayasiri Jayasekera suggested that the lands ministry secretary be expelled. Mahinda Amaraweera countered the argument and said the secretary was a good person and was not at fault.

Most Joint Opposition members who took part in the discussion were surprised Sirisena did not make any mention of how the SLFP and the SLPP should vote and had dismissed the budget as “not very important.” As is clear, he played the issue of voting close to his chest. When opposition parliamentarian Bandula Gunawardena met him at ceremonies connected with the 60th anniversary celebrations of the Sri Jayawardenapura University at the BMICH last Tuesday, he raised a question. Sirisena replied that a decision on the budget vote has not yet been finalised. “He told me the decision would be taken on Friday morning,” Gunawardena told the Sunday Times.

Another aside on the UNF came when Sirisena attended a ceremony at Torrington Square to mark “Bakmaha Divuruma” – a campaign to eradicate the drugs menace. He told confidants that Premier Wickremesinghe had given him a list of names of parliamentarians who should be sworn in as Non-Cabinet Ministers. That had included onetime military strongman Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. Wickremesinghe had met him to raise issue over the matter after Tuesday’s weekly cabinet meeting had ended. He had pointed out to the Premier that no one had spoken to him on this matter earlier. There the issue ended. Such appointments, no doubt, would invite strong public criticism since the exercise is more intended to provide offices and perks for those concerned ahead of the presidential election.

The SLFP parliamentarians’ abstentions bring to the fore the question of a common alliance with the SLPP and its allies. The SLPP’s nominal leader G.L. Peiris, only days earlier, set a benchmark for the SLFP — vote against the budget and prove to us that you are opposed to the UNP. Thus, there are doubts whether the next round of talks will take place as scheduled on April 10. Even if the talks take place, there would now be debates on the basis on which an alliance could be formed.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidacy

One fact that is clear is that Maithripala Sirisena will not be the presidential candidate of the SLPP and its allies. Nor will he qualify as a leader of the alliance or be empowered to decide on a symbol for the election, said a high ranking SLPP source. This will mean that he would remain only a leader of a constituent partner of the alliance. Hence, the question is whether Sirisena would wish to remain just a small player in the proposed alliance as SLPP partner.

There was also news on the choice of the SLPP and its allies of their presidential candidate, former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Contrary to earlier claims at the highest levels in the Opposition, Gotabaya Rajapaksa did not hand in his papers for the renunciation of his United States citizenship in Colombo. This is despite his calling at the United States Embassy in Colombo on March 6 to discuss the matter. Instead, he took his papers with him and handed them over in Washington D.C.
This is what the State Department website has to say on the relinquishment of US citizenship:
“A person wishing to renounce his or her U.S. citizenship must voluntarily and with intent to relinquish U.S. citizenship:
1. appear in person before a U.S. consular or diplomatic officer,
2. in a foreign country at a U.S. Embassy or Consulate; and
3. sign an oath of renunciation

“Renunciations abroad that do not meet the conditions described above have no legal effect. Because of the provisions of Section 349(a)(5), U.S. citizens can only renounce their citizenship in person, and therefore cannot do so by mail, electronically, or through agents. In fact, U.S. courts have held certain attempts to renounce U.S. citizenship to be ineffective on a variety of grounds, as discussed below.”

A reason given for his move, though unfounded, is fears of local political interference in the process, a source claimed. The Sunday Times learnt that last minute advice from his US lawyers also prompted the move though Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been keeping it a top secret. As reported in these columns, his immediate family members have all extended their blessings during a dinner. The dilemma for the SLPP and its allies is their inability to make a formal announcement of their candidate until the former Defence Secretary’s US citizenship renunciation is complete. Otherwise, in effect, they would be nominating a foreign national.

Until yesterday, the source said, there has been no adverse response over Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s documents. Among matters to be given consideration before the application is accepted is a determination by US authorities of certainty of an applicant receiving citizenship in another country. A Sri Lanka immigration official, commenting on the subject, said, “When you become a citizen of another country, your Sri Lankan citizenship lapses automatically. In case, a person revokes his or her citizenship; he or she would have to make an application to regain the lost Sri Lankan citizenship. After the forms are submitted, there will be an interview process. It would take around one and a half months to complete it.” However, Gotabaya Rajapaksa has dual citizenship and he will become a Sri Lankan citizen after his US citizenship is renounced.

Basil Rajapaksa, the architect of the SLPP, convened parliamentarians of his party for a meeting at their headquarters in Battaramulla this week. They were briefed on the current political situation and on plans for the presidential election campaign. Earlier, during informal meetings with their de facto party leader, Mahinda Rajapaksa, groups of MPs cautioned over the formation of the alliance. There was also a handful in favour on the grounds it will ensure SLFP support. The move not to go ahead with an alliance is in the light of what SLPP leaders call the SLFP’s inability to take a political decision to oppose the budget, which they say, is a clear indication that the SLFP is not serious. “Similarly, the SLFP could take other political decisions that will run counter to our policies,” lamented a senior SLPPer. However, the SLPP mood is to go ahead with the talks until it reaches a dead-end. This is to avoid accusations that it was the SLPP which scuttled the talks. In the light of this, the SLPP’s bargaining position will become even harder.

Now that the budget has been passed, the Avurudu season, one that is more difficult to the people than for years before, will take over. As it ends, the billion-dollar question is whether Sirisena’s “Aandu Virodi Satana” or the struggle against the (UNF) government could begin or President Sirisena will move in a different political direction. Either way for him, in the coming weeks, the political challenges are enormous, if not gruelling. The answers lie in the coming seven months before the presidential election.