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Ruwan takes President to task for placing Rupavahini under his wing
Coming out of his shell, UNP State Minister of Defence and Minister of Media Ruwan Wijewardena struck a blow for media freedom this week when he condemned his Minister, the Minister of Defence and Lankan President for his arbitrary takeover of State owned TV channel Rupavahini under his Defence Ministry and thus under his wing.
In a no holds barred letter, the UNP Minister told the President on Monday: “According to audit reports, the Rupavahini Corporation is incurring a monthly loss of over Rs.50 million. The SLRC has also gone down to 6th place in television rankings.”
“When the situation is as such, the decision to take the SLRC under the Ministry of Defence’s purview by an extraordinary gazette seems to have created a troublesome situation. The Rupavahini Corporation was never taken under the Defence Ministry even during the time of war and can therefore be interpreted as a threat to media freedom in Sri Lanka,” he said.
At the centre of the storm is the present boss of Rupavahini Inoka Sathyangani, a law student who dropped out in her final year to pursue her interest in films and became an award winning film director. She was appointed by President Sirisena during Mangala Samaraweera’s tenure as Media Minister. There have been many attempts by the non-cabinet Media Minister Ruwan to remove her but all had failed. He had nominated Shan Wijetunga, a media professional with over 29 years of experience, and currently the head of the Sri Lanka College of Journalism, as the Chairman of Rupavahini.
In his letter to the President, the minister, who was appointed to the post this year in February, said his many attempts to appoint an eligible and an efficient chairman to the SLRC to replace the incumbent inefficient administration were obstructed by President Sirisena. He claimed that in view of the Rs. 50 million losses made every month – that amount to over half a billion per year – that it clearly showed the current chairperson had failed in promoting the SLRC. A majority of SLRC employees will also confirm this.
The gazette notification said the Rupavahini, whose logo is that of a Hill Mynah bird, or Sela Lihiniya in Sinhalese, was taken over to implement programs for the promotion of peace, harmony and reconciliation among people whilst ensuring national security through the use of audiovisual media, enhancement of the entertainment quality of the people and creation of a higher media culture and ethics.
The Minister charged: “In the gazette you have said that SLRC was taken under your control to strengthen national security, to promote peace and coexistence among people, to enhance the aesthetical sensibilities of the people and to promote media ethics. However, you have shown no interest in doing anything to achieve the stated objectives in the last four years.
The Minister added: “It is also regrettable to note that you, who expect to create a media culture of a higher standard, has failed to inform me, the subject minister, before issuing the gazette notification.” And further added, “Although you speak of promoting media ethics, you did not have the decency to consult me before taking this step.”
Later addressing a press conference the Minister said that it was a serious matter to acquire the Government owned Rupavahini at a time when the election is within sight.
The Minister warned, “The President might be striving to gain political mileage at the forthcoming election. This is an alarming situation. I hope this will be rectified after the President realises the gravity of the issue. The police, tri-forces and Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC) come under the President, and now its Rupavahini and the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation Act (No. 6 of 1982) which issues licences to media institution.”
“My proposal was prompted by corruption and mismanagement. As the President, he has political clout to acquire any institution, but on principle, I am against this move,” he said.
“This move is an attack against democracy and also the country’s media freedom. This is the first time in the country’s history that a television network was gazetted under the Defence Ministry. Therefore, I am totally against his move. I am yet to receive a response from the President to the letter forwarded on the matter. If given the opportunity, I will discuss the issue with the President. This is not a political concern but an issue of policies.”
The President’s move to take over Rupavahini may not necessary be an immediate threat to media freedom.
Rupavahini is a Government owned TV station and anything the president wishes to do with it can be done whether it is under the media ministry or the defense ministry. After all, it is he who appoints the Chairman, and his fiat will run whether it be under defense or media ministry.
But the danger, however, is that now the President has direct control over Rupavahini and can personally direct operations without having to go through his Media Minister who may sometimes disregard the order or delay it.
He has set a precedent and now can even rake the other state owned television station, ITN, Whilst all other president before him could summarily dismiss their ministers who held office at the whim and pleasure of the president, President Sirisena simply cannot do so for the simple reason that he can only sack a minister on the advice of the Prime Minister inder the 19th Amendment.
Article 46 (3) (a) states ‘A Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers, a Minister who is not a member of the Cabinet of Ministers and a Deputy Minister, shall continue to hold office throughout the period during which the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function under the provisions of the Constitution unless he is removed from office under the hand of the President on the advice of the Prime Minister; resigns from office by a writing his hand.’
But, in his last numbered days as president, Sirisena will not be the real beneficiary of having Rupavahini as his direct mouthpiece.
The newly elected president, whoever he maybe, will be the beneficiary: and will find this welcome gift on his presidential table the moment he takes the oaths of presidential office; and use it, of course, as the gazette notification took pains to explain the reasons why Rupavahini was brought under the defense ministry to ‘implement programs for the promotion of peace, harmony and reconciliation among people whilst ensuring national security through the use of audiovisual media, enhancement of the entertainment quality of the people and creation of a higher media culture and ethics.’
What a stroke of good fortune for the new incumbent to have his loudspeaker gift wrapped and presented to him by the outgoing president.
Media Minister said that Rupavahini is making an annual loss of Rs 600 million and that its rankings have dropped to sixth place.
The good news is that if the new president were to use the Government owned station as a tool for his propaganda, the rankings will drop even further with fewer people watching it.
For as they say, in the manner you can lead a horse to water but cannot make him drink, you can telecast all the propaganda you want 24/7 but you can’t force the people to watch it.
UNP: Still waiting for Godot whilst polls caravan rolls on Four months ago, the man who had steered the United National Party through many a crisis and succeeded in bringing the party back from the wilderness, Ranil Wickremesinghe was sitting pretty, supremely confident that he would lead the UNP to victory at the yearend presidential elections with him as the undisputed leader and the obvious and natural party presidential candidate. As he spanned the horizon not even an iota of dissent could be discerned, nor the spectre of a rival emerging from the ranks could be even imagined. And whilst the SLFP stood split with party members deserting it and joining the Pohottuwa, swelling its ranks, Ranil’s policy of divide and rule seemed to be paying off. The master strategist seemed to have envisaged the whole scene beforehand except, as it is certain now, he had failed to foresee his own fate and the sod being cut under his own feet by no less than by his own deputy, Sajith Premadasa. And, today, the Pohottuwa seems to have been strengthened and able to stand its own ground unified while his own party, once a bedrock of unity, seems to be falling apart, torn between its leader and its deputy, with its future fate in jeopardy. The first inkling that there was trouble in the air came approximately three or four months ago when Premadasa began dropping vague hints that the party needed a change of face and heart and that he was the chap to ideally represent that change. At the first rally he held in Badulla on August 12 though he did not directly throw the gauntlet, he declared that old and redundant ideas and concepts must be swept away and that the aspirations and the visions of youth must be represented by those representing the young generation. Eleven days later at the Matara rally on August 23, Sajith tossed his hat into the UNP ring and declared that, come what may, he would definitely contest the presidential election. He followed this up at the Kurunegala rally he held on September 5. Here he boldly declared that he will not take back the step he had taken even by a millimeter. Though he had earlier said that if the UNP does not grant him his demand to be the presidential candidate, he would go it alone thus splitting the UNP, he said that he ‘hopes to contest the next Presidential elections with the support of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.’ He also said: “The party leader and other members would also consider the fact that I am the son of late President Ranasinghe Premadasa when deciding on the UNP presidential candidate. Ranil clearly has a fight on his hands. The 52-year old Sajith poses a clear and present danger to his own position as leader of the party and his assured hopes to be its presidential candidate. Though there had been backstreet talks to arrive at a solution to prevent the disintegration of the UNP and its guaranteed defeat at the elections should the party be splintered, the problem is that both men remain intransigent, each insisting – one basing his claim on seniority, the other on his relative youth, both acting regardless of the future of the party, but professing to love and declaring their fierce loyal to it – that he is more qualified than the other to lead the party to victory. Under the UNP constitution, it is the working committing that decide by a majority who the candidate would be. But when Sajith took his challenge to the streets, he went beyond the party system. Currently the contenders were deadlocked. It was a typical case of the irresistible force meeting an immovable object. It soon became the stock answer of UNP members to the media when asked when the UNP will decide on its candidate to blithely say, “Though you are in a hurry, we are in no hurry. The party will give serious consideration and in its own cool time will decide who the better man is. And anyway the elections are still faraway, so we are not in a rush.’ Some hope dawned last week when it was announced that Ranil and Sajith will have a face to face meeting at Temple Trees at 6 in the evening to settle the issue once and for all. But Sunday evening turned to night without the meeting being held. It was reported that Sajith did not turn up. It was postponed to the next day Monday with the same ‘no show; and the fixed for Tuesday at 6pm. This time Sajith did make it but by the time he showed up, it was past 9.30 in the night. The meeting dragged for about two hours. And when Sajith emerged to face the media he said: “The talks centred on the future plans, strategies and programs of the United National Front and the United National Party with regards to upcoming elections.” But when asked whether there was any proposal regarding the UNP candidate for the presidential polls, he said there were no such proposals discussed.’ Funny isn’t it that if they had talked about the strategies, the party would pursue to win the polls, the first strategy to be discussed would have been the choice of the UNP candidate? But apparently the crux of the matter which the two opponents met to thrash out and resolve was never even discussed? On Thursday, Minister Ranjith Madduma Bandara said that the UNP will announce its candidate next week. But other sources said the party will do so after the nominations are called. On Friday Minister Navin Dissanayake, with his gotie beard shaved off, said the party had decided to appoint a committee with Rajitha Senaratne and Dinesh Weerakkody representing the Ranil faction and Kabir Hashim and Ranjith Madduma Bandara representing Sajith. “They will study the four or five opinion polls received and scientifically decide who has better chances of winning. Talks will continue and we haven’t come to a decision. It’s still September and there is plenty of time for us to announce who candidate will be,” he said. “There is no rush and the UNP supporters are a very patient lot.” As things stand in the UNP camp, there is no rush to announce a candidate and most probably it will be done once the elections are called for. Or, better still, why not wait till the elections are over to announce the UNP candidate. After all, as the Minister said, “we are in no hurry.”
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2019 Year wedding bells rang for Mahinda’s all three scions Forget that 2019 is a polls year. For the Rajapaksa family it’s an year when wedding bells chimed Mangalam Suba Mangalam for the dynasty’s all three sons. In ascending order. First to bite the dust was the youngest Rohitha who wed on January 24 to his bride Tatyana at Medamulana with an estimated guest list of 5000, enough for a UNP party rally to be hailed as successful. In the case of Rohitha and Tatyana, it was the climax of a love born a nine years ago and survived the many trials and tribulations that attends all affairs of the heart – and emerged glorious at the end to climax in holy matrimony to be continued in a life long journey of marital bliss. And what better setting for the lucky chap and his lovely bride to tie the knot that on the family lake at waters’ edge at Medamulana In the case of Yoshitha, he did not rush headlong into marriage but first got engaged to his fiancé, Nitheesha Jayasekera in a brief ceremony, where only members of the Rajapaksa family and close associates were invited to attend the function. The grand day of the wedding is expected to be announced soon, probably in October. This week it was the turn of the eldest son Namal to bite the dust as all young men do when their fancy turns to thoughts of love and to settling down. The wedding was held at Colombo’s Gangaramaya Temple on Thursday morning. The registration took place at 9.45 and the poruwa ceremony took place at the auspicious time of approximately 11. It was a charm and simple ceremony. Thereafter the retinue, including Mahinda Rajapaksa, retired for lunch at the nearby UGA restaurant close to Park Street Mews. The couple and a few had originally planned to go to Medamulana by helicopter but due to the prevailing bad weather had instead travelled by road. The grand reception was held in the evening at the family home at Medamulana where, according to estimates, over 5000 guests attended. It began at 7.30 pm with the couple making their appearance at 8.30.And the lavish celebrations, with the food catered by Shangri-la in Hambantota, and with Victor Ratnayake’s son Lelum Ratnayaka and his band providing the music, went far into the night. Namal is presently enlarged on bail facing as he does charges in the Chief Magistrates Court, But since a man is presumed innocent till proven guilty, the chances are that he will soon be acquitted and walk a free man. But when he said ‘I do” this Thursday morning when the Registrar of Marriages asked him whether he is willing to marry his bride Limini, little did he realise, perhaps, that he had just started serving a life sentence. Wish the happy couple a long life of marital bliss.
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