Columns

SLFP-SLPP partnership may not materialise.

Ranil says he will call upon Working Committee to decide on presidential candidate

Premadasa told to show winning formula; Committee to talk to other groups and parties over support for him

UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim and two State Ministers on firing line

For United National Party’s deputy leader Sajith Premadasa, becoming a candidate at this year’s presidential election is so close and yet very far.

This is what he learnt during his latest dialogue with UNP leader and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe last Tuesday night. It was not only the party’s supporters but also a vast segment of the country’s voters who were held spellbound in the hope that a decision would come that night. So much so, Premadasa backers were lining up a news conference on Wednesday morning to announce that he would be the candidate. Alas, the talks ended where they began – more discussion and no decisions.

“Why have all of them come?” asked Premier Wickremesinghe pointing to those who accompanied Premadasa. They were UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim, his predecessor Malik Samarawickrema and Ranjit Madduma Bandara. “I came alone. They have come on their own,” replied Premadasa who was caught off guard. The UNP leader had hoped for a one-on-one talk with his number two but that was not to be.

Since last Sunday morning’s previously scheduled meeting, which Premadasa put off, there has been considerable pressure on him. It was not to go to see the party leader since he had already made his position known to his immediate boss. The real reason, though, were fears among his loyalists that he may unwittingly agree on a compromise. This was on the basis that Premadasa had in the past heeded Wickremesinghe’s advice and guidance. Hence, three of his front-line supporters accompanied him. One wondered whether Wickremesinghe knew the composition of the Premadasa team. On hand with him were Minister and House Leader Lakshman Kiriella, Minister Rajitha Senaratne and Dinesh Weerakkody. The presence of Weerakkody did raise some eyebrows since he is not a member of the UNP. Moreover, he is Chairman of the Commercial Bank of Ceylon Plc. which is a public quoted company at the Colombo Stock Exchange. He is also a Director at the DFCC Bank, a premier banking institution in Asia set up on the recommendations of the World Bank.

Amidst a continuing crisis over the UNP’s nominee for the Presidential election Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe took time off to preside at a ceremony to mark the opening of three housing complexes in Colombo. Pic by Indika Handuwela

Weerakkody has remained a point man for Premier Wickremesinghe in the past many months. Together with his father-in-law Minister John Ameratunga, one of his latest tasks is to woo the Catholic community. This is after the Easter Sunday massacres on April 21 bitterly angered them towards the UNP-led United National Front (UNF) government. It later transpired that his presence related to the upcoming presidential election campaign where he is associated with voter surveys.

Premadasa-Sirisena pow-wow

Tuesday was an interesting day. In the morning, President Sirisena walked into the weekly Cabinet meeting together with Premadasa. When the meeting ended, the duo went to the Janadipathi Mandiraya (President’s House). It was for the distribution of title deeds to 75 Buddhist temples in the country. It was a gift from Premadasa’s Cultural Affairs Ministry. Whether they had occasion to discuss the then impending meeting that night is not clear. However, on the occasion when Wickremesinghe declared on September 6 (Friday), that he would announce his own candidature, Sirisena did speak on the telephone to Premadasa. The latter was then in Puttalam, according to sources familiar with the dialogue. He kept his hosts waiting for a considerable time and even annoyed a UNP stalwart in the area by delaying alighting from his vehicle until he finished the call with Sirisena.

When the meeting at Temple Trees began just past 9 p.m. it was Premier Wickremesinghe who asked Premadasa what his formula was to win the presidential election. He was of the view that at the bim mattama or the ground level, there was considerable support for the UNP irrespective of who the candidate was. This was because that was the party base. He claimed that it was a known reality.  What about the private sector, lawyers, those of the minority communities and the like, asked Wickremesinghe? A pointed question was on the backing of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). He wanted to know from Premadasa about his thoughts on reconciliation. “I will address these issues in six months,” Premadasa responded.

In fact, Premadasa, who was in Jaffna for the ‘Enterprise Sri Lanka’ event, had a meeting with a TNA delegation over lunch at Hotel Tilco. He was repeatedly asked what his solutions were to political issues faced by the Tamils. He said he was for “maximum devolution” under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. He also said he would come up with proposals within six months but did not identify what they were. Irked by the remarks, the TNA has been holding back its response. This major Tamil grouping in the north, which has functioned as a proxy of the UNF, is in favour of Premier Wickremesinghe’s candidature. Premadasa proposed at the Temple Trees talks that Wickremesinghe remain and continue as Prime Minister if he (Premadasa) is nominated as the presidential candidate.

According to another well-placed source, the discussion also focused on a survey carried out by a known firm dealing in such activity. They have made a preliminary forecast that the opposition candidate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, former Defence Secretary, had at present a voter support of 45 percent whilst his perceived nearest rival, Sajith Premadasa, had 40 per cent. Thus, the issue was one of campaigning to raise Premadasa’s support base by six per cent or more. Samarawickrema, re-iterated that Premadasa was the candidate who would be able to make that difference. UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim endorsed his view. Minister Rajitha Senaratne stressed the need to be united and endorse the candidate who would win by talking even to minority political parties.

Wickremesinghe told the Premadasa team that surveys he had seen spoke of a victory for him by more than 50 percent and asked the Premadasa faction to show how the deputy leader could win. What was his formula?

A well-known practice of Premier Wickremesinghe has been to appoint committees and thus win time when there are knotty or controversial issues that confront him. Many an issue has thus been forgotten. However, this issue cannot be swept under the carpet since the committee would have to make its findings known at the next round of talks. That is expected to be in the coming week. Yet, the move gave Wickremesinghe the time and flexibility he needed to strategise. Appointing committees is something he learnt from his political guru, President J.R. Jayewardene. The meeting agreed on a committee to talk to all groups in different sectors and political parties. The latter comprises smaller parties that are to be partners in the proposed Democratic National Front (DNF). The committee comprises Kabir Hashim, Mangala Samaraweera and Ranjith Madduma Bandara. Wickremesinghe said he would name a fourth person to the committee during the weekend. It was not clear yesterday whether it has been done. Over cups of coffee, all agreed.

Premadasa backers are yet confident they would be able to win over the support of those different sectors and smaller political parties. They propose to wind up their discussions by next week and seek a meeting with Wickremesinghe. That is to now ask him to agree to nominate Premadasa. “We are very hopeful we can achieve that,” said one key loyalist who did not wish to be named. There is no gainsaying that Wickremesinghe’s tacit handling of the meeting raised high hopes among Premadasa loyalists. There was little or no indication that he has changed his mind or was negative except to create an atmosphere that he was taking the participants on a “democratic” course. He gave ear to them. Later events reflected this.

Ranil’s strategy

However, it is a different story on the other side of the divide, with loyalists of Premier Wickremesinghe. The leader told his strong loyalists at a meeting on Wednesday that he planned to summon a meeting of the Working Committee. He made no mention on whether the parliamentary group would also join in. He will ask a member to propose his name as the presidential candidate. “We will sort this out. Let them decide who the most suitable presidential candidate is,” he declared. That remark very clearly means that whoever has the Working Committee’s majority support becomes the presidential candidate. It is no secret that Wickremesinghe loyalists make up the majority there, though Premadasa loyalists claim there has been a change of mind for some of them. Here again, both factions have been claiming majority support for their side. It is known that Wickremesinghe has met most of the Working Committee members and sounded them out. In this instance, for reasons of ‘political insurance,’ most of them have been doing the ‘balancing act.’ They are pleasing both sides. The real test of strength will emerge only when they vote.

Those taking part in Wednesday’s meeting with Wickremesinghe were Ravi Karunanayake, Lakshman Kiriella, Daya Gamage, Sagala Ratnayake and Akila Viraj Kariyawasam. There was a detailed discussion and even a head count of Working Committee and the parliamentary group mmebers who would back Wickremesinghe. If there was 70% support in the Working Committee, there was 60% backing by those in the parliamentary group, claimed one of the participants who did not wish to be identified. Asked whether this was realistic, he replied, “We will prove it when it comes to a meeting.” He also claimed most MPs had told their leader Wickremesinghe that they would extend their support. There is an irony in this situation. Those at the highest levels of the UNP are only talking about the support the leader and the deputy leader have. In the process, they are oblivious to the main issue ahead – the contest with their main SLPP candidate. The more this continues, the more support the party is losing by the day.

Naturally, the question that begs answer is why Premier Wickremesinghe waited all this while, until the party has split in the middle and a segment of voters have turned against him, to ask the UNP Working Committee to decide? He could have saved a lot of damage, both to the party and for himself, if this was done earlier. Even more importantly, the other question is the course of action Premadasa and his loyalists would resort to if they fail in their efforts to make Premadasa the candidate in the unlikely event of a lack of support within the party?

They are not giving up. Last night, Minister Mangala Samaraweera, a staunch Premadasa loyalist hosted a dinner for would be partners of the Democratic National Front (DNF) at his official residence at Stanmore Crescent.

This is significant since Premier Wickremesinghe is planning tough action against some of the top Premadasa loyalists by expelling them from the party. At least three of them are on the firing line — Chairman Kabir Hashim, State Ministers Ajith Perera and Sujeeva Senasinghe. The trio will either face expulsion or suspension from the UNP next week. Wickremesinghe has decided that those found guilty for violating party discipline will not be given UNP nomination to contest the parliamentary elections. Both Perera and Senasinghe have already faced disciplinary inquiries. Chairman Hashim, it is well known, has publicly defied his leader in supporting Premadasa. Wickremesinghe believes that Hashim is backing his deputy since he did not wish to contest the parliamentary election for fear of defeat but win a National List slot for Parliament from Premadasa. Wickremesinghe’s aggressive approach would mean a fierce crackdown on those not backing his election campaign.

On the other hand, in the event the Working Committee (and even the parliamentary group) decides on Premadasa that may come as a serious challenge to Wickremesinghe’s political career. It is much the same way it would hurt Premadasa’s own political career if he does not win. Therefore, the tug of war in the UNP will continue until the Working Committee meeting causing even more damage to the party and widening the rift within. There are strong indications that in their own grassroots level bases, UNP voter interest is turning in different directions. Though it was a logical consequence, the UNP leadership is blind to this reality.

Sirisena-Sumanthiran talks

These developments are not cause for satisfaction to President Maithripala Sirisena, who has been extending tacit backing to Premadasa. This is even at the expense of the proposed partnership between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). An unexpected episode that confirms this situation surfaced this week after a Tamil newspaper Editor asked TNA’s Abraham Sumanthiran whether he had a meeting last week with President Sirisena. This was at his residence in Mahagamsekera Mawatha. The Jaffna District parliamentarian took time off saying he would call back later.

Thereafter, Sumanthiran had rushed to meet Premier Wickremesinghe who was then in Jaffna. As he confessed to the Editor later, he had forgotten to mention that meeting and feared there might be a bad fallout. He told the Premier the details of his meeting. President Sirisena had chatted first on matters related to the Constitution including the scrapping of the Executive Presidency. The TNA parliamentarian had responded that he was ever willing to help on matters related to the Constitution. It was his duty, he has said, to do so when the President was seeking his help. Sirisena noted that in Parliament he was the known lawyer about the Constitution making. Later, Sumanthiran recalled to a friend that at a meeting three months before too, he had broached the subject, but the President was not responsive. “If it was done then, there would have been no need to make a hurried call now,” he pointed out.

Another informal area of discussion was Premadasa’s candidature at this year’s presidential election. President Sirisena made clear that he was not quite comfortable about the return of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his close family members to power. Hence, he urged, that Sumanthiran uses his good offices to persuade Wickremesinghe to make way for Premadasa to contest the presidential election. The parliamentarian, however, made clear that it was wrong in principle for him to intervene in a matter related to another political party. He politely declined to get involved.

This underscores President Sirisena’s dilemma, turning one day to Mahinda Rajapaksa and another day to Sajith Premadasa. Eventually, he may fall between two stools. Time is now running short. SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekera told National Election Commission (NEC) Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya that the SLFP would field a presidential candidate. The question is whether the party genuinely needs a public endorsement through votes that the SLFP now remains debilitated. In the alternative, he would have to look to a deal with Premadasa who in turn is still fighting his own case. The next is to go for the already agreed partnership with the SLPP. That means the SLFP would have to lower its expectations, on the SLPP’s own terms, eating plates full of humble pie. For the presidential election, nominations are likely to be called later this month or in early October. Thus, the clock is ticking away fast for a desperate Sirisena.

Sirisena placing increased demands from the SLPP was to buy time to allow Premadasa to settle issues. The two sides had reached informal accord. It was endorsed during one-on-one talks President Sirisena had with SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa. A few minor issues, including a question over with whom the SLFP would sign an MoU, awaited SLPP response. Thereafter, during talks SLFP General Secretary Jayasekera insisted that the SLPP presidential candidate should contest under the Chair symbol. He insisted on the quota of candidates at the next parliamentary election be given in advance. He also wanted to know the number of positions of District and Electoral Managers the SLFP would receive.

The SLPP leadership understood the delay on the part of the SLFP to conclude the partnership deal was the result of President Sirisena banking on Premadasa obtaining the UNP candidacy. The first hint of their position came at a dinner Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene hosted at his Kotte residence for some SLFP parliamentarians. SLPP architect Basil Rajapaksa was to declare “we have been keeping a close watch. We are aware of the shape of things to come. It is now clear they were placing more and more demands purely to accuse us of scuttling the talks.” As a result, there is little or no likelihood of a political partnership between the SLFP and the SLPP coming to terms with a partnership deal. This is notwithstanding the public comments each side has been making in the media that the talks were positive. The only option would be when the SLFP comes down on its demands which will be seen by its followers as a loss of face.

SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekera took a different line at a news conference on Tuesday. He said, “Talks between the two parties have reached a decisive stage; mutual understanding on some matters. I can say the talks are positive. We do not have any issues policy wise. A lot of policies that we presented were welcomed by a group including Basil Rajapaksa and a group including Gotabaya Rajapaksa. There were also a lot of good positive ideas from Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He has stability to taking the government and governing the country. We clearly say that as SLFP we are ready to prepare a good programme.”

Q: When will the next talks be held?

A: We have not decided on a date yet. Meanwhile we (SLFP MP’s) met with President after the talks. He is also in a positive stance and wants to continue our efforts.

Q: We heard that there was an issue regarding the alliance symbol?

A: There is an issue. At a few news conferences, Udaya Gammanpila had made remarks regarding the matter. I am not the one who is requesting the alliance symbol. The SLFP has diverse views. Some say not to go in for a partnership arrangement with the SLPP.  Yet others say to stay independent, field our own candidate and protect the identity of the party. As party Secretary, I am engaging in the difficult task of getting everyone in the party to one position. To do that we must come to some understanding regarding the partnership. Only a few of us must not join forces. If we join, we must safeguard all the organisers, Pradeshiya Sabha members and supporters.”

Strange indeed. Firstly, it is not clear why Jayasekera must take up a position adopted by Udaya Gammanpila, leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya. This party has already agreed to the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) constitution that accepts the Pohottuwa or budding lotus flower as the symbol. Secondly, that is not what he told his SLPP counterparts during talks. It emanated as an SLFP proposal. To make the point even further, he revealed at the talks that the proposal has come from none other than President Sirisena and he was conveying it.  The SLPP leadership is livid with Jayasekera over his shifting and contradictory positions. One of them charged that he is raising the demands not only at the behest of President Sirisena but also on his own behalf since he wanted to secure his candidacy in the Kurunegala District at the parliamentary elections. The apparent tilt towards the SLPP this week, its leadership feels, is due to inherent difficulties in working out an arrangement with Premadasa. “Since time is running out, they want to keep us engaged on a positive note. It is clearly a futile exercise,” a senior SLPP member declared. He said, “We will not act as a prop for them.” Just this week, now SLPP backer Susil Premajayantha, a former Minister, told a news conference that Jayasekera was only expounding the positions of the UNP.

Jayasekera (50) began his political career by being elected in 1997 to the Panduwasnuwara Pradeshiya Sabha from the SLFP. In 2010, he crossed over to the UNP and contested the Kurunegala District on the UNP ticket. In July 2013, he resigned from the UNP. In April 2015 he joined the SLFP albeit the UPFA and contested the Kurunegala District on its ticket. Like shifting positions during talks, he has switched parties.

In a move that runs counter to the SLFP demand that the SLPP resolves its issues now over parliamentary polls in advance, members who are now in their fold have pledged not to raise issue. It came at a meeting Basil Rajapaksa chaired on Thursday night. They said all matters relating to Provincial Councils, local authorities and the next parliamentary elections would be discussed by them only after the presidential election. This group included S.B. Dissanayake, Dilan Perera, Susil Premajayantha, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, Nimal Lanza, Susantha Punchi Nilame, Chandima Weerakkody, John Seneviratne, Sumedha Jayasena and Sudharshani Fernandopulle.  Former Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne’s son Anuradha Jayaratne, who was due to take part, was away in Jaffna. An interesting area of discussion came when some of the participants declared that they would talk to their SLFP colleagues and ensure they join the SLPP directly instead of a partnership.

Sirisena drops SC move

Other than the political uncertainty within the SLFP, issues including those in the diplomatic front and domestic matters in the country will keep President Sirisena in Sri Lanka. He will not travel to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly sessions – a task he has undertaken every year since he assumed office in 2015.

In an obvious bid to buy more time to remain in office, President Sirisena, an advisor and legal counsel met on Monday night. They were in accord that they should seek a determination from the Supreme Court, for a second time, on the term of the presidency. This is by asking the SC when the President’s term of office would begin. Even a draft note seeking the declaration was ready. However, the chain of events that followed, compelled them to drop the idea altogether. Details of how this happened cannot be revealed due to sensitive legal reasons. Suffice to say a senior official tasked with the exercise politely declined to proceed with the matter after strong advice.

The idea behind the latest political adventure was to ascertain whether a case could be made before the SC for a ruling that the President’s term in office began on May 15, 2015. Such a date, it was pointed out, would grant him a life span until May 15, 2020 in the event the argument is accepted.

It is no different to the determination President Sirisena sought from the Supreme Court on January 4, 2018.  There, he asked whether his having “assumed office on January 9, 2015,” he would “have the impediment to continue in the office of the President for a period of six years from January 9, 2015.” The SC in a determination held that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution was with retrospective effect and “it applies to the incumbent President.” It held that “he holds office for a term of five years.” The ruling said that the “Supreme Court can review the legislation only during the pre-enactment stage.” It added that “as the 19th Amendment to the Constitution has now become law, the Supreme Court has no power to inquire into the validity or the constitutionality of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.”

If this determination was in respect of the period of office of the President, those advising made out that the proposed determination was to ask the Court to state when his term began. Though the advice was to word it differently to ask when his term would begin, the move not to proceed with the determination has saved considerable embarrassment and loss of face for President Sirisena. He also suffered a political setback last month when he sought a determination from the Supreme Court over the conduct of Provincial Council polls ahead of the presidential election. The SC declared the President had no power to do so. This episode also highlights the mediocrity of his advisors who are not only unaware of the law but also of politics. Pleasing the boss with advice that is music to the ears seems their forte. A helpless President Sirisena has been falling prey whilst those in the know have chosen to take a back seat for fear of being admonished.

This week, whilst SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election campaign is progressing with different meetings, the UNP’s bickering over a candidate continues. The collateral damage is exacerbating. Every day the SLPP makes a gain, the UNP loses.