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Adorning the mantle of Leader of the Opposition with a promise in his pocket that he would be the Prime Ministerial candidate, Premadasa fought for weeks to oust Ranil Wickremesinghe and become the leader of the UNP. That was to lead the party and its allies at the parliamentary elections expected in late April.

Last Thursday, the day of reckoning, he and his loyalists boycotted the meeting of the newly constituted Working Committee. It was held at Siri Kotha with 37 of the 59 appointed so far taking part.

The immediate cause for the boycott was the exclusion of Ajith Perera and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka from the Working Committee. Perera had been dropped for the public utterances he had continued to make against the party leadership, and Fonseka ostensibly for recent remarks that the UNP lost the elections, inter-alia, for pumping funds to the north rather than the south. This had not been well received by UNP MPs whose constituencies had Tamil voters. They pointed out that the UNP would face disastrous consequences if it lost the Tamil vote and said there could be a possibility of the TNA (Tamil National Alliance) fielding a candidate in either Colombo or Gampaha districts at the expense of the UNP. Also removed was Imtiaz Bakeer Markar who occupied a slot reserved for former MPs. A fourth name, that of Rosie Senanayake, the Colombo Mayor, having her membership ended, it was explained, was an oversight from the party headquarters. Her friendship with the Premadasa family was speculated to be the reason for her being dropped by the party leader, but she is expected to be reinstated by party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The besieged UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe shaking hands with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Farewell ceremony to mark the departure of India’s High Commissioner Taranjit Singh Sandhu. Picy by Amila Gamage

That these developments came overnight after Wickremesinghe and Premadasa had a one-on-one meeting last Sunday was the cause for the rupture. There they talked of the contours of a “peaceful settlement” and all seemed set to end the festering crisis within the UNP. There were differences of opinion on some matters, too. Yet, there was no discussion on the new Working Committee’s composition since that was the prerogative of the leader. There were two additions — ex ‘diplomats’ Karunasena Kodituwakku and Daya Pelpola.

Rani’s plans

Notwithstanding his failings, if there is a politician in Sri Lanka who had gone through the worst rough and tumble in politics, Ranil Wickremesinghe would be a contender for the top slot. He has faced humiliation and insults in no small measure. With the poise of a statue, he stood calm as some MPs hurled abuse at a recent meeting of the party’s parliamentary group, some of whom he introduced into politics and mentored. He has been accused on occasions of not eliciting a smile.  Yet, his strongest acumen has been checkmating his rivals through political manipulation, perhaps a trait needed to be a successful politician. He has excelled in the art and turned it virtually to a science, which appears to be the adrenaline that keeps him going. It came to play as his plans unravelled.

At Thursday’s meeting boycotted by the Premadasa faction, Wickremesinghe declared that Premadasa could lead the proposed “broader” Alliance and represent the UNP in the Alliance. He (Premadasa) would be the chairman of the Nomination Board to select candidates for the upcoming elections together with other office-bearers. National Organiser Navin Dissanayake has expressed an interest to serve. Lakshman Kiriella proposed the name of Ravi Karunanayake. That was accepted. Kiriella also proposed the name of Malik Samarawickrema, onetime Chairman of the UNP but he (Samarawickrama) declined. But all these nominations are only possible with the “concurrence” of the Leader,

Wickremesinghe. He will have to approve the final list. While leaders of other parties in the Alliance can be co-opted to the Nomination Board, all those wanting nominations from the UNP will eventually need the nod of approval from Wickremesinghe.

Wickremesinghe then said Premadasa could pick on a General Secretary for the “broader alliance”, but that person will have to be from the UNP and that nominee will require the concurrence of the Working Committee, read partly, as Wickremesinghe who appoints the Working Committee.

Among the other proposals adopted were that the UNP have a majority in all decision-making bodies of the Alliance and all discussions and negotiations between the UNP and the Alliance members be reported back to the Working Committee.

Finally, Wickremesinghe and Premadasa to discuss the appointment of new party organisers before any decision is eventually taken by the party’s Advisory Committee.

Ahead of the Working Committee meeting, Premadasa loyalists met separately to discuss matters. They made appeals to Malik Samarawickrema, who was in Kandy, to come to Colombo. In view of the short time available, he flew in a Cinnamon Air flight. Joining in was Mangala Samaraweera who had just returned from an extended post-election vacation in England, among other Premadasa backers. After the meeting ended, Both Samarawickrema and Samaraweera urged Premadasa that they should not boycott the meeting but take part in it. They argued that the non-inclusion of Ajith Perera and Field Marshal Fonseka was an issue they could raise at the meeting. Samaraweera was to point out that matters could be resolved only through dialogue. However, their efforts proved futile.

Significant enough, both Samarawickrema and Samaraweera attended the meeting of the Working Committee — a strong message that they do not share the views of Premadasa and his faction over the boycott.  That is not all. It would also mean they will remain passive supporters of Premadasa at the parliamentary elections. Not surprisingly, the duo, together with UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim, were literally sidelined during the presidential election campaign. That by itself is a blow to Premadasa who would now have to depend on a “second eleven” team from the UNP. Senior party members John Amaratunge, Kiriella, Vajira Abeywardene, P. Harrison, Range Bandara, Kavinda Jayawardene and Ravi Karunanayake were among those present, while some others like Daya Gamage had excused themselves in order to attend the funeral of Magistrate Pilapitiya’s father. It is “members” of this second eleven team who dissuaded him (Premadasa) from taking part in the WC meeting. Other seniors said it was “an outside” force who bore heavy influence on Premadasa.

UNP General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam told the media on Thursday evening that up to date 59 members had been appointed to the Working Committee. Of them 37 were present that day. Six of them had informed the party earlier that they would not be available. Sixteen other members did not turn up. As there was a quorum, the Working Committee meeting was held. It was resolved at the meeting that Sajith Premadasa should give leadership to the alliance for the election campaign under the leadership of Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mr Premadasa would also be the Prime Ministerial candidate.

Q: Why were some Working Committee members removed?

Akila: Nobody was removed. Originally there were 68 members and of them 59 have been reappointed. There are few more nominations to come. Only two former members not reappointed.

Q: Who are they?

Akila: Ajith Perera and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka.

Q: Why were they not appointed?

Akila: There were complaints against Ajith Perera about his behavior at the last Working Committee meeting.

Q: What about Fonseka

Akila: Regarding him too there were complaints about the comments he made. This can be discussed in future and a decision taken.

His last answer reflects Wickremesinghe agreeing to consider the matter on a later occasion. In fact, Ajith Perera, did call on the party leader after the WC meeting to plead his case. Also present were Chairman Kabir Hashim and onetime Chairman Malik Samarawickrema. Perera only said “talks were successful” but declined to elaborate.

UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim, though he did not take part in the meeting, told reporters at Siri Kotha on Thursday evening “we have achieved most of our aims.”

One such aim, he explained, was for them to join hands with other parties in a broader alliance. At least for him, it seemed, the biggest obstacle remained a decision at the new Working Committee. However, it is well known that Premadasa loyalists have been talking to leaders of allied political parties for weeks now. That is in defiance of a directive from their leader who had designated only four members to continue a dialogue.

Hashim’s statement

There is none so blind as those who refuse to see goes the saying. That could better illustrate the fairy tale explanation of Hashim, who has once served as the General Secretary of the UNP. One of the main campaigners for Premadasa, he has missed the wood for the trees.

The Premadasa loyalists’ campaign so far has been singularly to oust Wickremesinghe and gain the leadership of the UNP. This is having gained the office of the Leader of the Opposition and the Prime Minister-in-waiting. Whatever achievements Hashim says they have accomplished; he and his partners have failed in their campaign to wrest the party leadership for Premadasa. So, by boycotting the WC meeting on Thursday, they have denied to themselves the opportunity to raise issues, including over leadership and the removal of the two members from the WC. Wickremesinghe could not have asked for better stance by the Premadasa loyalists so he could proceed with a peaceful meeting of the party’s highest decision-making body. Thus, are Hashim’s remarks of an achievement, a way of saying they would now fall in line with Wickremesinghe, whom they sought to oust?

It is not a far cry from the party’s parliamentary group meeting held at Siri Kotha on January 19 (Thursday). Highlights in the political commentary of that day are relevant. “The meeting began with Wickremesinghe in the chair at the conference hall at Siri Kotha where the Working Committee usually meets. The Working Committee, the main policymaking body of the party, has ceased to exist with members concluding their term on December 31, last year. A new one is yet to be appointed by leader Wickremesinghe.

“He dealt at length with the plethora of tape recordings made by Ranjan Ramanayake, who has been suspended from the party. In fact, General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam has said the Gampaha District MP will face an inquiry. Thereafter, he complained that there was victimisation of party supporters by the SLPP-led alliance government. When he was delving on the subject for a considerable time, Ranjith Madduma Bandara, a former Minister, interrupted. He pointed out that the subject of discussion at their meeting was the leadership issue and urged that it be taken up. Wickremesinghe replied that a leader should take over the party only in 2025…..

“Harin Fernando, a former Minister, also demanded that a vote for the leadership be taken. “I can’t give you a vote,” asserted Wickremesinghe. That took an interesting turn when Premadasa proposed that a vote from those present be taken first. This was to purely determine whether the majority would agree to a decision on the leadership issue…..

“By this time, the meeting was taking a chaotic turn with some resorting to boos and catcalls. Several other Premadasa loyalists had spoken taking much of the time as the controversy dragged on. Leader Wickremesinghe declared that the meeting was now adjourned. At this stage, MPs backing him walked out……

“Premadasa loyalists defied his ruling from the chair that the meeting had been adjourned. They abandoned their chairs and sat on the ground surrounding the main table. They wanted to prevent Wickremesinghe, who was still seated, from leaving. It was a siege of sorts. At one point, Wickremesinghe asked Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, to switch off the air conditioner in the hope that the pro-Premadasa MPs would walk out. Immediately after it was switched off, another MP rushed past others and turned it on. Later, Wickremesinghe found his way into his office room. No one obstructed him.

“The matter did not end there. Premadasa loyalists chose to hold their own “group” meeting with Premadasa in the chair. One MP said it reminded him of the scene when Arundika Fernando sat on the vacant Speaker’s chair during the constitutional crisis of 2018. Ranjith Madduma Bandara proposed that Premadasa chair the meeting in the absence of the leader. Harin Fernando moved a “resolution” for those present there to form an alliance with other partner parties of the NDF with Premadasa as leader. The proceedings were videoed on his mobile telephone by Fernando, the former Telecommunications Minister. It showed the “voting” process. Casting their “vote” were 52 who raised their hands. There was no one left to oppose. There was clapping. It was “agreed” thereafter that this group would meet in Parliament on Friday afternoon to discuss the formation of their new alliance…….

That event was clear proof that Premadasa loyalists launched a diehard battle to oust Wickremesinghe. They failed. Then they decided to meet again in Parliament the next day. In the aftermath, Premadasa had a meeting with Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. He in turn met Wickremesinghe for a one-on-one discussion. Jayasuriya, the senior figure in the party, is a veteran in politics. He was even named as a member of the proposed Leadership Council, though, he has not figured in the current equation. He has served in such a council before but ironic enough, his name pops up every time only when there is a crisis within the UNP.

The fact that Wickremesinghe is leader of the UNP by virtue of the party’s constitution appears lost on Premadasa and his backers. If indeed the idea was to ensure that he was ousted, the question is whether chest thumping at meetings and making statements to the media were only making a bad situation, worse. It is such a move that has brought about a confrontational situation. And now, that has virtually pushed Premadasa and his loyalists to a “take it or leave it” situation.

Parliamentary elections prospects

The critical question that remains now is whether Premadasa and his backers will accept the latest decision of the WC or continue their campaign. Various MPs backing him have been making contradictory claims. For them, such an acceptance could also come as a performance test at the parliamentary elections. Almost all of them, including Premadasa lost their seats badly in the presidential election. Now comes the dim prospect for a victory at the parliamentary elections. This time their opponent is not exactly Gotabaya Rajapaksa, but Mahinda Rajapaksa, the more seasoned campaigner. Whatever the arguments are, Wickremesinghe has armed himself to point the finger at Premadasa after a possible failure at the parliamentary elections. This is on the basis that he had conceded all what Premadasa wanted except the leadership.

In the event of their acceptance of the Working Committee formula, the first task for Premadasa faction would be to begin negotiations with those who constitute the New Democratic Front – Champika Ranawaka’s Jathika Hela Urumaya, Rauff Hakeem’s Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Rishad Bathiuddin’s All Ceylon Makkal Katchi (ACMC), Palani Digambaram’s National Union of Workers (NUC) and Mano Ganesan’s Democratic People’s Front (DPF).

For example, SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem told the Sunday Times, “We are keeping ourselves available whilst exploring a number of other options. Let the UNP decide what it wants to do. We have made clear that we do not want to be exploited.” He said that the SLMC had already held talks with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and proposed to talk to other parties too. “We are hopeful and at the same time very concerned that time is running short,” Hakeem added.

If Premadasa ‘backers’ had earlier spoken on their own to these parties in their pursuit of a “broader alliance,” such talks now would be under the aegis of the UNP or in other words with two Wickremesinghe loyalists – Navin Dissanayake and Ravi Karunanayake. Premadasa will be only its leader. Such a dialogue will naturally entail demands from each of these parties and are usually worked out on the assumption that they would win. Consequently, that would include the number of ministers, deputies and state ministers.

That such a dialogue will entail substantial time is one thing. What is far more important is the timing for parliamentary polls. After midnight on March 2, the President is empowered to dissolve Parliament. He is set to go for polls in the third week of April. Thus, the protracted delays in the UNP, are bound to add to the party’s woes.

On the other hand, if one were to assume that contrary to UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim’s conciliatory remarks, or the extension of an olive branch, the Premadasa faction wants to take a hard line, they have little choice. And that is to go their own way by forming an alliance under Premadasa’s leadership and coming to terms with partner parties. Thus, it is a case of eating more humble pie or fall in line.

The Working Committee meeting notwithstanding, an influential section of the Premadasa group are also busy working plans to contest under a different party. Two different persons holding two such parties have offered their names and formalities are now under discussion. However, it is not immediately clear whether or not the Premadasa group will head in that direction. One source said that allied parties of the New Democratic Front (NDF) will meet on Monday to discuss matters.

Either way, Premadasa and his backers imbibed too much gung-ho than weigh rational options in their struggle. This is mainly the cause for their current predicament. Notably some of the seniors will not be available for him. One is Mangala Samaraweera, though under a political cloud after public remarks about Sri Lanka not being a Buddhist country, and his last minute push for the US grant through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). Nevertheless, he is known to be a good political strategist and was Campaign Manager at the presidential elections in 2005 for Mahinda Rajapaksa. Malik Samarawickrema’s strong point has remained his links to Colombo’s business community and the corporate sector. He has not only raised funds for the polls, but also for events like May Day rallies and other occasions.

SLPP, SLFP issues

It is not only the UNP that has issues within to resolve. For the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), which leads the ruling alliance, and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), different issues persist, though they intend to contest together with others. Once again, the SLFP has raised issue over a common symbol to replace the Pohottuwa (lotus flower bud). In what appears to be a significant move, former President Maithripala Sirisena convened a meeting of the People’s Alliance (PA), a precursor of the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA). The PA has among its members those who are now with the SLPP.

At this meeting it was decided to re-name the People’s Alliance as the Sri Lanka Podujana Nidahas Sandhanaya (SLPNS). The SLFP’s senior Vice President Nimal Siripala de Silva said, “Thirteen political parties are in this alliance. In its constitution, the power of the Executive Committee will be shared with 51 percent for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), 31 percent to the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the rest to the other parties. The Secretary, the Treasurer and the Vice President positions will be for the SLPP. There will be joint leaders — Maithripala Sirisena and Mahinda Rajapaksa. The party symbol is not a problem, that will be resolved”.

Since the SLFP signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the SLPP prior to the presidential election, some ground realities have changed. The SLPP leadership wants to seek guarantees from its SLFP counterparts that MPs who win at the parliamentary elections would not cross over. How such guarantees are to be worked out is still not clear but the return of SLPP national organiser Basil Rajapaksa is awaited.

He is due to return to Colombo tomorrow from Los Angeles. One of the tasks he will undertake immediately is to play the role of General Secretary of the SLPP, a powerful position in the light of the upcoming parliamentary elections. It is the General Secretary of a political party who has to signify the candidature of persons contesting the elections.

In changing political equations, this development came amidst key SLPP members making a call to contest under the Pohottuwa symbol. They are of the view that they can win a clear majority if they contest under their established identity. Apart from which symbol the SLPP-led alliance would contest, another issue it faces is the selection of candidates. There is a growing demand to include academics and professionals, the wish of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. However, seasoned politicians opine that it is important to field winnable candidates and not necessarily academics or those possessing professional qualifications.

Another aspect is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). It is not immediately clear whether the party, which received a routing at the presidential election, will contest on its own or its adopted identity — the National People’s Power (NPP).

In exactly a month’s time the current Parliament will be dissolved. The SLPP, though certain of victory, remains committed to securing a two-thirds majority. Other than the internal issues, day-to-day governance is adding to their woes. Among the issues are the cost of living, unemployment and even a looming power crisis. This is if hydro reservoirs, as feared, go dry. That will cost the SLPP politically. However, a divided and fragile opposition will not be able to seize the situation to make political capital.