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When one reflects on the political future of this country, if one goes by current trends there is little cause for optimism. The prospects of a qualitative change in the composition of parliament following the parliamentary elections scheduled for August 5 look rather bleak.

One of the main arguments put forward against the recall of the earlier parliament during the debate on the advisability of holding early elections in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, was that the previous parliament was discredited and therefore a new parliament should be installed. Ironically this claim was most loudly made by those who had themselves contributed to the despoiling of the parliament.

It is estimated that out of the 225 members of the previous parliament 208 are seeking re-election. Going by past records it is likely most of them will be re-elected by voters.

Of the new faces many of them are proponents of the same ideological forces represented in the earlier parliament. For instance some of the new faces are those who have aligned themselves with the corrupt or with those who have worked against national unity. Thus even if they get elected they will continue to support these very same forces to pursue their agendas.

The fresh faces who pass the test in terms of integrity and new ideas will have considerable difficulty in getting themselves elected as they are relatively unknown and will face several hurdles In introducing themselves to the people.

The current electoral system is heavily weighted in favour of those who are better known in public circles. Those who have been members of parliament previously or have a high profile in some particular field will have an advantage.

Those who are lesser known but may have the necessary integrity and a vision for the country will find it more difficult to reach out to the people not only because of the electoral system but also because of the difficulties in campaigning in view of the health guidelines resulting from the COVID-19 Pandemic.

One of the best ways of assessing the 208 former parliamentarians is to determine their contribution to the processes of government and legislation. While some of the previous parliamentarians have been vigilant and participated constructively in the legislative process, others have remained silent even when critical national issues have been taken up in parliament.

Another yard stick would be to see who are those who have indictments relating to corruption pending in the court of law. The Attorney General would not have filed an indictment against any individual unless there was sufficient material which if proved would be sufficient to convict the individual concerned.

Another factor to be considered will be the public conduct of former parliamentarians as well as those aspiring to enter parliament. Of particular interest to voters will be the behaviour of the parliamentarians during the October 2018 Constitutional Coup, when President Maithripala Sirisena attempted to replace Ranil Wickremesinghe with Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister.

If not for the courageous leadership of Speaker Karu Jayasuriya in resisting the clearly unconstitutional move, the history of the country may have taken a different trajectory. The Supreme Court subsequently endorsed Jayasuriya’s stand when it ruled against the course of action taken by President Maithripala Sirisena.

The behaviour of some parliamentarians during those troubled times horrified people. Investigations on those incidents were completed and the findings are being studied by the Attorney General’s Department.

If the Attorney General serves indictment against whom there is evidence well before the general elections of August 5, 2020, it will help voters with their choice of representation.

Another shortcoming in the current election campaign is the absence of a national conversation on issues affecting the country. Most speakers on political platforms and discussions prefer to skirt around these issues without taking clear policy positions. The discussions seem to centre around personalities and their shortcomings rather than vigorous debates on the policies that a new government should take forward.

What has made the situation worse is the plight of the two national parties – the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party which have alternatively governed the country since independence. The UNP is split right down the middle and is unable to guide voters on the issues facing the country.

The UNP and the Samagi Jana Balavegaya seem to be directing more of their energy in criticising their erstwhile colleagues rather than focusing on the Government which should have been their natural target.

The plight of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party is much worse. They have been reduced to mere appendages of the newly formed Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and are compelled to silently go along with the humiliation continuously being heaped on them by the SLPP. Not only do they have to face criticism of their actions in the Yahapalana Government while sharing the platform with the SLPP, they also remain silent without responding to such criticism.

The younger elements in the SLPP seem to enjoy going the extra mile in ridiculing the SLFPers. The SLFP candidates in the SLPP list are having a difficult time at ground level in conducting their election campaign.

This situation is clearly a precursor of what is likely to happen in the event the SLPP forms the Government after August 5, 2020. It is likely the SLFP will be completely sidelined after the elections and not enjoy any respect or dignity. The fact that the SLFP did not obtain all that was promised to them at the time they signed the agreement to join the SLPP in an alliance prior to the presidential elections is clearly a sign of things to come.

Be that as it may the country can only hope that the August 5 elections can in some unexpected way give rise to a better political culture that facilitates the progress of the country. (javidyusuf@gmail.com)