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The unprecedented economic crisis that the country is facing has made even those who showed a disinterest in politics and public affairs to sit up and take notice. The consequences of colossal mismanagement in governance has spared no one and all sections of society have been affected.

At the risk of being repetitive it needs to be reiterated that it is the poorest of the poor and the marginalised who have been worst hit by the fall out of the economic crisis.

Government politicos fall victims to politicisation set in motion by the 20th Amendment

The whole nation is focused on how best the country can get out of the economic quagmire that it has fallen into. It is universally admitted that it is only a nationally agreed strategy that can put the economy back on the rails. Even so bringing the economy back on even keel is a long haul and there are no quick fixes possible.

However it is evident that there is no clear understanding even among political parties as to what constitutes a united national effort in facing up to the crisis. A multi-party Cabinet has been touted as one way of handling the crisis.

It is in pursuance of this thinking that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Sri Lanka Podujana Party (SLPP) have been calling on other political parties to join the Government and take up Cabinet positions. However it is obvious that such a process alone cannot address the needs of the situation.

What is critical is for all political parties to come to a common understanding as to what specific steps have to be taken to lead the country out of this mess and to be bound by such a common minimum programme. The issue of a multi-party Cabinet is secondary and has to be tied to the programme agreed to by the parties.

What role each party wishes to play in such a Cabinet has to be determined by the respective parties based on their own policies and perspectives. For instance both the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) have categorically stated that they do not wish to be part of a Government that is headed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

They have however assured that they would support every constructive step taken by the Government from outside. The proposal to set up a national executive council which will comprise all political parties including those not in Cabinet is a welcome innovation to formulate policy and to meet this situation.

The induction of individual Parliamentarians like Harin Fernando and Manusha Nanayakkara from the SJB and Nimal Siripala de Silva from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) contrary to the stands of the respective two parties does not speak well of the bona fides of the SLPP and only creates mistrust between the Government and the Opposition parties.

This is not the first instance when the Government poached individuals from the Opposition behind the backs of the Opposition political parties. Previously they had engaged in a similar exercise when they appointed SLFPers S. Shantha Bandara and Dr. Suren Raghavan as State Ministers while they were engaging in talks with the SLFP leadership.

Eventually with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa still heading the Cabinet, the Government seems to be reduced to a continuation of the SLPP administration which existed prior to the “Gota Go Home” campaign with the addition of a few individuals from other parties. Thus there is hardly any qualitative change in the Government that created the economic crisis in the first place.

The only exception to the above is the role of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister. He seems to have realised that the President and the SLPP are not up to the task of resolving the economic crisis and are therefore helplessly looking to him to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. As a result he seems to have pretty much a free hand where the economy is concerned although there has been no prior agreement with the President or the SLPP.

This has emboldened the Prime Minister to push the envelope to the furthest and even make bold statements in his media interactions. Among the statements he has made are that he would change the Rajapaksa policies, that he is unable to make a definite statement on the state of the economy as yet because “the books have been cooked” and that the previous–meaning President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s–administration is responsible for the country’s plight.

The President himself has admitted that all his “mistakes” have caused the present economic crisis. He has now to add to his list of “mistakes” the biggest mistake in the form of the 20th Amendment. The Amendment which, among other things, abolished the independent commissions, and paved the way for the violence that erupted in the country on May 9.

This ill-advised Amendment which was enacted in the first flush of victory after the 2019 Presidential Election, not only facilitated attacks on peaceful, unarmed protestors but also caused damage to property belonging to Government politicos and the tragic death of a SLPP Parliamentarian.

One common thread that ran through the speeches of both Government and Opposition speakers in Parliament last week was the criticism of the Police who they claimed took no action at all to prevent and quell the violence that took place at the protest sites outside Temple Trees and at Galle Face Green, and also the rest of the country.

When President Gotabaya Rajapaksa summoned Police Inspector General C. D. Wickramaratne to the group meeting of SLPP Parliamentarians, the IGP was bombarded with allegations that the Police had failed to do their part to prevent mayhem and violence.

According to media reports the IGP, while promising to investigate lapses on the part of the Police, had made an important revelation. He had pointed out that 182 out of 184 officers appointed to head Police stations, in the first 11 months of last year, did not face even preliminary interviews and were given appointments due to political influence. Three inspectors were also appointed due to political pressure despite being disqualified from being Officers in Charge of Police stations.

According to media reports, the IGP had previously submitted a report on how political influence was causing irreparable damage to the department and made an appeal for urgent action to correct the situation.

According to the reports, there were 360 disciplinary cases against Police officers, but despite adverse reports, many were even promoted due to political pressure from government MPs.

Previously under the 19th Amendment all promotions, appointments and transfers were made by the independent Police commission without the intervention of politicians.

Politicisation of the Police has been a contributory factor in the deterioration of law and order. It was to arrest this phenomenon that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution set up the independent Police commission which would resist any political pressure and create the framework for heightened professionalism and independence among the Police.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s first real test will be to enact legislation to revive the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. In this task he will undoubtedly get the support of Parliamentarians of all hues who have recently witnessed the costly consequences of short sighted Constitutional Amendments.

The sooner this is done the better for the country.
(javidyusuf@gmail.com)