Green star project to tackle dengue

By Faraza Farook

The CMC's public health department has run out of malathion which is used for fogging of adult mosquitoes. At least three litres of the chemical are used for a day for fogging.

However, the CMC's Chief Medical Officer Dr. Pradeep Kariyawasam said there was only a delay in receiving a consignment of the chemical due to a communication lapse. Instead, another chemical, Bacillus Sphericus, was being used to destroy the larvae stage of the mosquitoes, he said.

In June this year, 53 suspected dengue cases and two deaths were reported in Colombo city as compared to 13 cases in June last year. 

The failure to clean canals that are clogged with weeds has also contributed to the increase. The public health department said it had sought the assistance of the Land Reclamation Corporation to clean canals but to no avail. 

Dr. Kariyawasam said most of the dengue cases were reported from the city's eastern areas which were lined by the canals.

In an effort to encourage the public to maintain a clean environment the department has begun a 'Green Star Home' project. The department is issuing a 'Green Star Home' label to be displayed on the walls or doors of houses which have a healthy environment.

Dr. Kariyawasam said they were in need of volunteers to accompany its officers to visit homes in selected dengue-prone areas. If the outdoor environment complies with criteria set by the department, then the Green Star label will be issued.

Others will be asked to maintain a clean environment, failing which they will be issued a notice under the Mosquito-Borne Diseases Regulations. 

The project is to be launched today in dengue prone areas such as Kollupitiya, Hunupitiya, Kompannaveediya, Cinnamon Gardens, Maradana, Borella, Narahenpita, Kirullapone, Pamankade, Havelock Town, and Thimbirigasyaya. 

Which way the JVP? Wait and see

Promises to set up independent commissions to strengthen the democratic process must be turned into bills and passed in Parliament before the JVP helps the government to survive, party propaganda secretary Wimal Weerawansa said. In a wide ranging interview with The Sunday Times Mr. Weerawansa said the PA was now struggling for survival in a mud pit and did not have the power to break promises as it did after the 1994 elections. Excerpts from the interview.

By Shelani de Silva

A: We had lengthy talks and took a unanimous decision that we insist on the five commissions and are constitutional reforms. We will extend our fullest support to whichever party that responds first.

As for the No confidence motion, we felt that there would be more developments, like crossovers. So we decided to watch the situation and decide at the appropriate time. 

On the guidelines given by the central committee, the parliamentary group will take the decision when the motion is taken up.

Q: Do you foresee a division or difference of opinion on this matter within the JVP Parliamentary group?

A: No. We follow party policy and not individual views. It will be a joint decision.

Q:When will the Parliamentary Group meet, to discuss the no confidence motion ?

A: No day has been fixed yet.

Q: What is the role party leader Somawansa Amerasinghe play at last Saturday's crucial meeting?

A: He was involved in the unanimous decision.

Q : How sure are you that the government will implement the promises given to you regarding the independent commissions and other reforms? 

A: It would have to be done before the no confidence motion is taken up. 

Q: SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem too was promised independent commissions and was even appointed chairman of a select committee on this matter. But the government went back on its word.

A: Mr. Hakeem's way of doing things and the JVP's way of doing things are different. Mr.Hakeem got so many things from cabinet portfolios to diplomatic posts. So the President was able to say she gave him so much and was not obliged to give the commissions also.

We have not sought any such personal favours from the government. So we are in a strong position to insist on the commissions to strengthen the country's democratic process.

Q: In 1994 the PA promised to abolish the executive presidency within a year but it is still there. What makes you so sure that it won't happen again?

A: At that time the PA government was powerful but now it is facing a crisis. It is in a mud hole and needs our help to get out. Otherwise the PA can wallow and sink deeper in the mudhole. So the PA can't and won't do what it did in 1994.

We don't trust any one and are not acting on the basis of trust. The PA really has little option. If it does not move to appoint the commissions then we will decide in the appropriate way when it comes to a vote.

Q: Are you saying that if the five commissions are not appointed, the JVP will not support the government ?

A: Not exactly.

Q: But isn't it leading to that?

A: No, but the government's decision will be taken into consideration when the voting takes place.Similarly we will watch the UNP as well.

The UNP obviously wants to come to office through the no confidence motion. But it is different from some smaller parties. They are trying to win some basic democratic rights. 

Q: In what manner must the promise be implemented?

A: A bill for the appointment of the commissions must be passed in Parliament.

Q: In your party's view what is the impact of the SLMC crossover? 

A: Nothing much. Some have crossed over others have not and still others are on the fence. They left not on a policy matter but more because they did not get what they wanted.

Q:Why aren't you making similar demands from the UNP? 

A: Simply because the UNP is also in the Opposition and has no power. The UNP can only promise some things to be given if and when it comes to office, but we won't fall for that.

Q: The JVP was severely critical of government policy upto now. How is it you are ready to offer some conditional support?

A: It is now a matter of survival for the government. We are looking mainly at that and not at policy matters. In the crisis situation today there would be little purpose in pushing for changes in policy matters including the economy and the role of the IMF.

We have our policy, we wont change that. What we see is the PA government following essentially the UNP's policies, that is our problem. When there is a stable government again we will take up the major policy issues. 

Q:There are rumours that JVP members have been offered top positions? 

A: Rubbish. Other politicians may have been bought over and people have a poor opinion of most politicians. But we are not for sale.

None can buy us.

Q: Opposition Whip W.J.M. Lokubandara has said he is confident of getting your party's support for the motion. 

A: They have their own notions and are expressing their ideas. Whether he is confident or not confident we will take our decisions not on the basis of PA or UNP interests but in the national interests.

Q: What is the JVP's stand on the peace talks ?

A: We can't call it peace talks but just talks because we don't know whether it will be talks for peace or for war.

We are not accepting any talks to suit the whims and fancies of the west. We have to put the west aside and build a leadership that would win the confidence of the Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and other people of the country.

Q: How will you solve the ethnic conflict?

A: First , there must be a change in leadership, where the aspirations of all people are fulfilled and their rights respected.

For the past 50 years, people have been misled, by both the UNP and the PA. They have brought mainly destruction and not peace.

Q: What is your stand on the demand for the de proscription of the LTTE?

A: Any group that wants a separate state- be it the LTTE or even if it be the JVP- should be banned.

Two branches of the Bandaranaikes

By H. L. D. Mahindapala

Those who are familiar with his political philosophy would perhaps agree that, without being a male chauvinist, he probably would have dismissed the idea of his wife and daughter succeeding him, marginalizing his pet son, Anura. Unlike the mother who favoured the younger daughter (partly based on astrological raja yogas, partly based on the sympathy for a young widow, who like her was left helpless with the assassination of her husband, and partly because the grandchildren were the political bait thrown at the mother to win the seal of approval for succession) the father would have given first preference without any reservation to the son. 

Anura, no doubt, was the pride and joy of the father, who did not hide his ambitions for the son. In his press conferences at Rosemead place, he seldom missed an opportunity to parade his son, who, as I remember, was a slim, sensitive, handsome and somewhat dreamy boy. But all that changed with the rise of the female line of Bandaranaikes. 

Though Mrs. Bandaranaike lacked the intellectual depth, the silver tongue and the years of political training and experience of her husband she was quick to learn the wily craft of winning power and retaining power for as long as she could manage.

Her daughter too is cast in a similar mould with, of course, defining characteristics of her own which make her a more sophisticated version of her mother. But when it comes to the crunch there is in her genes the maternal strain threatening to override the polished veneer. Of course, under the de-regulated political climate the daughter is not likely to repeat the mother's mistake of, for instance, taking over the media. But she has her finger poised strategically over the key buttons of the executive, legislative and the judicial power bases of the state which she is not unwilling to press, from time to time, to get the best results she desires. 

Taken as a whole, it could be said that the personalities of the female Bandaranaikes were cut out for the presidential style while the male of the species were designed for the parliamentary model. SWRD, the great patriarch, was not generally inclined to go down the track of his wife and daughter who had not hesitated to manipulate and, when that failed, to ride roughshod over the system. It is the male line, as represented by the father and the son, which stands out as the quintessential symbol of Bandaranaikeism. Some of the similarities are striking. The father and the son shared long and arduous stretches in Parliament cutting their teeth and honing their political skills. 

The female line, on the contrary, was catapulted into seats of power almost overnight. The male Bandaranaikes have been eloquent expounders of their political philosophies. Both are steeped in the Western liberal tradition which respects the democratic process as a sacred part of their politics. Neither of them had pursued vindictive politics to the extent of Mrs. Bandaranaike. President Kumaratunga, of course, has her own style of cutting the throat of anyone who crosses her path. She does it not with serrated teeth of a dragon but with the sharp edge of a charming smile. This certainly is an improvement on her mother's aggressive and intolerant politics. The father and the son are distinctly different from the females in that both are flexible and willing to accommodate opposition within democratic limits. Parenthetically, it must be emphasized that President Kumaratunga has expanded the restrictive and limited democratic framework of her mother.

Getting back to the father and the son, both possess the mental capacity to empathize intellectually with opposing points of view even though their disagreements with their opponents were irreconcilable. Perhaps, this comes from their innate sense of humour. They have been quick to pick the absurdity of a given situation and scoff at it or laugh it off. The father's sense of humour was infections. He would never miss an opportunity to poke fun at anything and everything, particularly a pun that borders on the salacious side. 

Both also possess in equal measure the sharp edge of the quick repartee. Above all, both have been dedicated devotees of the shrine that is sacred to all democrats: Parliament. If the father will be remembered for his triumph of "1956" the son will be honoured, both at home and abroad, for his reasoned and learned judgment that restored dignity, respect and the sovereignty of Parliament over the other competing and interfering arm of the judiciary. While the judges who threatened Parliament will be relegated to the obscure bottom as curious and anachronistic footnotes his words will reverberate in the hallowed halls of democracies that will be facing similar or worse threats from external and interfering sources. If the father were living today he would have been very proud of his son sitting in the Speaker's Chair. If he had the power to re-enter the chamber right now the father would reverently bow his head to his son with profound respect. So would other national leaders who had struggled over the decades of the last century to maintain, without eroding one iota, the independence of the supreme legislature. 

It was the judiciary that declared war against the legislature. It was a naked and unwarranted attempt to grab power from the supreme law-making body. 

If the judiciary won this battle it would have set a precedent that would have undermined the democratic process and tradition. In short, it would have meant that the elected representatives of the people would be subject to the unelected officials of the judiciary. 

There are occasions when Parliament hands over some of its powers to the courts. One significant occasion is when the Speaker requests the judiciary to test the validity of its laws passed in the overall context of the constitution. This is done specifically at the request of Parliament. In this instance Parliament voluntarily surrenders its powers to the judiciary to test its legislation. 

But the judiciary has no legal, moral or political right to jump into Parliament and grab its powers by arbitrarily imposing new rules, brushing aside the time-tested procedures laid down for the conduct of the internal affairs of the legislature. So when the judiciary stepped in to dictate to Parliament arguing that the legislature must obey the judiciary in conducting its own affairs the judges were arrogating powers that were not within their province. Their blind arrogance made them rule on a "crime" that had not even occurred. This meant that the judiciary was engaged in a highly questionable legal manipulation to pre-empt Parliament from taking action even before anything had materialized as an offence, or a violation of the law. It is against this gloomy background that the higher principle expressed and sustained by the Speaker Anura Bandaranaike shines as a brilliant star. 

It gives the despondent faith to believe in a future. It makes them believe that there is still hope for Sri Lanka, that all is not lost, that there are people who will rise, from time to time, to defend the cherished and shared values so vital for the shaping of the democratic culture of a nation in crisis.

The writer is a former Editor of The Sunday Observer.

The new role

By our Political Editor

The national spotlight is now on the party of retired revolutionaries, and whether the party will wither under its heat or emerge as a brand new portent in the annals of Sri Lanka's political saga, is something only time will tell.

Party apparatchik ideologues and assorted comrades-in-arms are now at that intersection in time that is not familiar to the JVP, which is traditionally used to looking towards power down the barrel of a gun. But, the JVP still has to face the music, and in doing so, run the risk of getting lambasted by either one or the other side of Sri Lanka's great political divide.

Basically, the JVP will have to decide whether to support the no-confidence motion against the government or not. Any abstention will also not entirely absolve it of responsibility, as an abstention can by default be tantamount to a 'yes' vote. 

In this backdrop, the JVP's young braves are wielding their power fairly well for a bunch of relative political tyro's who are not used to the big power game of partisan politics. The JVP has been trying to use the bargaining power it finds on its hands quite suddenly, to get the government to establish independent commissions for the elections, the Police, Judiciary, Public Service and the Media. 

It's moot as to whether the JVP's brand of young Turk's are belaboring under an illusion that these independent commissions are poised to solve all the country's problems. But, at least at the moment, as the Prime Minister is constrained to admit, the JVP seems to give an errant government a good run for its money. A political dispensation that thought good governance is an abstract airy-fairy notion advanced by political theorists, is now forced under threat of its political life, to consider the basics of good governance by appointing independent commissions in some key areas of governance.

But, the JVP, while using its new found political clout of arm twisting a party in power, should perhaps consider whether good governance can be achieved by these independent commissions alone. Other glaring issues, such as the ethnic war which seem to have found a place in the rear-burner in these politically stirring times of ours, and of course the economy, also fall within the realm of good administration and fair statesmanship, if not good governance. As some political analysts have suggested, the JVP may be waiting for the current dispensation to sour the pot further, so that it could spring into action and make a grab for power when the state apparatus reaches a breaking point.

It is not for us to tell the JVP which side to vote with when the no-confidence motion is taken up. But if what's stated above is the calculation, it is political expediency that will be unbecoming of a political party that wears its sense of righteous indignation on its sleeve. The JVP does not have to go down that road of crass political calculation, simply because it is a party which seems to have a considerable and a growing support base.

It is one that has to be nurtured, and not alienated. The JVP will be seen in a better light if it takes a stand on this issue, but by its procrastination and prevarication in the past week, it appears the JVP prefers to let things go by default. At the moment the JVP, on the one hand seemed to be basking in the glow of the political limelight, hurrying from conference table to conference table, parleying and bargaining with the political potentates from either side. 

That's good drama, but when it comes to decisions, the JVP should quit the role playing and vote as a party of responsible adults.

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