Powwow
over pows
Moves to clip president's military
powers
For several days ahead of tomor
row's historic peace talks in the
Thai coastal town of Sattahip, the United National Front Government
stepped up efforts to conclude negotiations with the Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam for exchange of prisoners.
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Capt.
Boyagoda and the six soldiers in LTTE custody
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For
the Government, it was to seek the release of senior Navy officer
Captain Ajit Boyagoda and six soldiers. In exchange, they were to
offer a group of Tiger guerrillas. The dispute was over numbers.
During secret
negotiations through the good offices of the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC), approved by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe,
the LTTE forwarded different lists of names for release. Some of
them, it turned out, had been freed. Confirmation came from ICRC
records.
The last list
to arrive during a lengthy dialogue contained 24 names. Even some
from that list had been released. Some others were facing serious
charges in Courts and drew strong objections from then acting Attorney
General C.R. de Silva. A planned exchange ceremony, a precursor
to the Thailand peace talks, did not materialise. More dialogue
followed. The good news came when the LTTE agreed to leave out those
difficult cases and accept the others.
Udugampola
courts trouble
It was morning on Wednesday, August 27 when ASP Kulasiri Udugampola
and two Police Sergeants arrived at an Intelligence Cell of
the Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) at Kohuwala.
Armed
with a Court order, Mr. Udugampola, who conducted the controversial
Police raid on the Army's Safe House at the Millennium City
in Athurugiriya on January 2, this year, examined documents
including some Movement Orders.
A
week later, (on September 3), the Kandy Police Special Crime
Investigation and Operation unit headed by Mr. Udugampola
filed action before Chief Magistrate (Kandy), Leon Seneviratne
against Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle, Commander of the Sri Lanka
Army, Brigadier Kapila
Hendavithana,
Director of Military Intelligence and six soldiers charging
them for keeping explosives in stock without adequate care
and precaution at the Safe House.
This
is the first time in Sri Lanka's post independent history
that a serving Army Commander has been charged together with
the head of Military Intelligence. The Chief Magistrate issued
notice on the Army Commander and the others to be present
in Court on November 12.
The
news has angered Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. He has
directed that the case be withdrawn immediately.
It
has now come to light that Mr. Udugampola has filed action
in the Magistrate's Court without any prior approval or concurrence
from his own Superintendent of Police, Deputy Inspector General
in charge of the Central Range, the IGP or the Attorney General's
Department.
On
Friday, the Attorney General's Department wrote to the Inspector
General of Police, T.E. Anandarajah, directing that disciplinary
action be taken against ASP Udugampola. The Department has
also called for the case record from the Magistrate's Court
in Kandy to ascertain complaints that this Court did not have
the jurisdiction to hear the matter since the incident occurred
in Athurugiriya.
The
Sunday Times learns that Mr. Anandarajah also telephoned Lt.
Gen . Balagalle and apologised on behalf of the Police service
for the actions of Mr. Udugampola. He had also assured that
the Police would take disciplinary action.
Interior
Minister John Amaratunga told The Sunday Times before departure
to United States that he did not give any instructions to
Mr. Udugampola to file action against the Army Commander and
the others in the Magistrate's Court. He said H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya,
Senior DIG has also forwarded a report to him on Mr. Udugampola's
conduct.
It
was Mr. Kotakadeniya whom Interior Minister Amaratunga appointed
to probe the raid, with the help of the CID, on the Safe House
at Athurugiriya. He concluded that the Safe House was used
for legitimate purposes. However, in the absence of an official
statement from the Government clarifying matters, a powerful
lobby has continued a campaign, using various ruses, to claim
that the Safe House was used for illegitimate purposes including
political activity. However, UNF Government leaders do not
endorse this view.
In
a report to Interior Minister Amaratunga and Police Chief
Anandarajah, this is what Mr. Kotakadeniya says:
"ASP
Mr. K. Udugampola of Kandy Police has in his report dated
2002.09.03 by his No ASP/1/OU/710 addressed to the IG Police
communicated the filing of plaint in M C Kandy against the
Army Commander and 7 others in connection with the above detection.
"The offences alleged to have been committed are under
Section 279 of the Penal Code, viz., Negligent Conduct with
Respect to any Explosive Substance.
"The circumstances under which an inquiry was conducted
by Mr. Udugampola was to ascertain whether the safe house
at Athurugiriya was established to conduct an illegal operation.
Mr. Udugampola has now manifestly deviated from this objective
and has contrived to launch prosecution for offences, the
nature of which looks ludicrous. This kind of irresponsible
behaviour and action by a Police Officer against the Army
High Command would cause disaster to the cordial relationship
which we have enjoyed with a fundamentally important arm of
the security establishment. The ASP should have been aware
that safety measures when explosives are stored are taken
as a routine measure by the Army who have experts to handle
that responsibility.
"I had the occasion to speak to the Hon. Prime Minister
on this issue and he is of the view that the case should be
withdrawn. ASP, Mr. Udugampola, in my view, has acted maliciously
and has not consulted any superior officer before embarking
on this adventurous and controversial action.
"Forwarded for urgent necessary action, please"
The
Sunday Times learns that Police investigations into Mr. Udugampola's
conduct have already commenced.
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The guerrilla
list was pruned down to 15 names. There was still some controversy
over Kennedy. He was the leader of a group of nine guerrilla suicide
cadres who infiltrated the Palaly defence complex on August 2, 1994
and fired Rocket Propelled Grenades at Air Force Helicopters. Seven
guerrillas were killed in the incident. Two were captured. One died
later and Kennedy was the lone survivor.
On Friday,
Attorney General K.C. Kamalasabeyson, who has since returned to
Sri Lanka, gave approval for his release. All indictments against
him are to be withdrawn.
That was how
the curtain was brought down on a secret dialogue that has been
going on for four long months on the prisoner exchange. It
was the direct outcome of the LTTE granting access to The Sunday
Times to meet the Navy officer and six soldiers in custody, for
the first time since they were taken prisoner seven years ago. Their
account headlined "Forgotten prisoners speak out"
appeared exclusively in the Situation Report of June 2, this
year.
The move saw
the Army, with the approval of Premier Wickremesinghe, initiating
a dialogue with the LTTE leadership. Besides Army sources, the deputy
leader of the LTTE Political Wing, Puli Thevan, confirmed the dialogue
began after The Sunday Times disclosure.
Though the
exchange of prisoners will not materialise before tomorrow's peace
talks since a few procedural formalities will have to be cleared,
an official announcement on the conclusion of talks to exchange
prisoners is likely anytime now. If this in itself is a significant
step in confidence building since the UNF Government signed an agreement
with the LTTE, a greater significance lies in some of the matters
arising out of the prisoner exchange.
One is expected
to be a possible public declaration by the LTTE to assert that it
holds no more prisoners. It will not only obviate criticism against
the UNF Government that it had only obtained the release of seven
men, but also pressures on the LTTE to release others who are being
reportedly held by them. Numbers of such persons have varied from
hundreds to a staggering 2,000 claimed by a local NGO which deals
with security forces and police personnel reported missing in action.
Though more
than seven prisoners were declared to the ICRC and held in custody,
numbers detained by the LTTE were much more in the years past. However,
beginning with the launch of "Operation Riviresa" to re-capture
the Jaffna peninsula in 1995 and the subsequent offensive military
operations kept the guerrillas on the move. This posed serious logistical
problems for the LTTE. Providing sustenance and guards to prevent
prisoners from escaping became difficult. The prisoners were abandoned
in many ways.
A conference
at the Ministry of Defence on Wednesday to discuss matters relating
to the exchange of prisoners was to result in a significant diversion.
Midway through the conference, aides put a call through to Defence
Secretary Austin Fernando. It was from a reporter in a newspaper
asking whether the term of office of the Army Commander Lt. Gen.
Lionel Balagalle, had been extended. Mr. Fernando, who appeared
unaware, was still keen to find the answer to the media query. He
handed over the telephone receiver to Lt. Gen. Balagalle. The latter
said he had no knowledge and it was a surprise to him.
Needless to
say the news drew the attention of others present at the conference.
They were Markus Brudermann, head of delegation of the ICRC, S.C.J.
Bandaragama, acting Commissioner General of Prisons and Brigadier
Mohanti Peiris, Director (Legal) in the Army.
How did news
of an extended term for Lt. Gen. Balagalle circulate even before
official intimation arrived at the Ministry of Defence? Secretary
Austin Fernando learnt from another reporter that the story had
been leaked to the media by Janadasa Peiris, Director General (Media)
at the Presidential Secretariat.
The Sunday
Times learnt it was only on Wednesday morning that Kusumsiri Balapatabendi,
Secretary to the President, had signed, on behalf of President Kumaratunga,
the documents relating to the extended term for Lt. Gen. Balagalle.
The papers arrived at the Ministry of Defence only on Thursday.
Just three days before that, (on Sunday), Lt. Gen. Balagalle had
a meeting with Premier Wickremesinghe on matters relating to the
upcoming prisoner exchange.
According to
a "Temple Trees" source, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who had been
conducting the dialogue with the LTTE over the prisoner swap, had
told Mr. Wickremesinghe, he wanted the exchange completed before
he went on retirement on September 30, this year. The Premier is
learnt to have told him he had another post waiting for the retiring
Army Commander.
He had later
told Defence Minister Tilak Marapana, to name him acting Chief of
Defence Staff (CDS) until legislation is passed in Parliament to
create a new Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee where Lt. Gen. Balagalle
would be appointed Chairman. After the Sunday meeting, the same
source said Premier Wickremesinghe had told Mr. Marapana to expedite
the matter by writing to the President.
Evidently,
the role played by Lt. Gen. Balagalle in the dialogue with the LTTE
for the prisoner exchange had won him recognition to serve the UNF
Government in an elevated position. The post of Chief of Defence
Staff fell vacant after General Rohan de S. Daluwatte, relinquished
office on June 1. He is now Sri Lanka's Ambassador in Brazil.
In what reflected
to be both a lackadaisical and incohesive approach by the UNF Government
to the defence establishment, including the Police, Defence Secretary
Austin Fernando, was named to play the role of acting Chief of Defence
Staff. Leave alone Sri Lanka, nowhere in the world is such a high
military office that encompasses operational matters placed in the
hands of a non-military person. Even last Monday he chaired a conference
of service commanders and intelligence officials where operational
matters including reported ceasefire violations by Tiger guerrillas
were discussed.
As the name
implies, the main task of a head of a Joint Operations Headquarters
(JOH) is to co-ordinate military operations, an essential requirement
not only during war but in peacetime too. The move has also come
as a precedent, that one can argue, to justify the appointment of
a non-military person as the Commander of the Army, Navy or Air
Force. In reality, it smacks of an acute lack of sensitivity, awareness
of the nuances or the finer points on matters military by those
responsible.
Sadly, this
is reflected in the recent months not only in respect of the JOH
but on many a matter concerning the armed forces and the Police.
Clearly, there is no cohesive control and direction from the upper
echelons, a phenomenon that can be ruinous to national security
interests if it continues unchecked. A glaring example of this phenomenon
in the recent weeks has been the goings on in the Sri Lanka Navy.
The inability of the Ministry of Defence to bring matters under
control has led to battles being fought publicly in Courts.
Another example
is the Police raid on the Army Safe House in Athurugiriya. When
it became clear that the use of the Safe House was legitimate, an
official statement would have put paid to the issue. Over the past
nine months it has become a political controversy with serious damage
being done to the Army's image in the minds of the public. See
box story on this page for the latest development.
Conditions in the security forces and the Police have been
reaching disturbing levels in the past many months. The only salutary
aspect is that it happens at a time when there is a truce. But there
is no gainsaying that to ensure stability for economic growth and
greater normalcy, the security forces and the Police have an important
role to play.
In this backdrop,
a letter from Minister Marapana to President Kumaratunga, recommending
the appointment of Lt. Gen. Balagalle as acting Chief of Defence
Staff, could not reach the President by last Wednesday morning.
Instead, President Kumaratunga extended Lt. Gen. Balagalle's term
as Army Commander until December 31, 2003.
The immediate
outcome of this extended term is the fact that five senior officers
in the chain command, just below the Army Commander, will have to
relinquish office before December 31, 2003 or by the time Lt. Gen.
Balagalle completes his tenure.
This includes
Maj. Gen. Lohan Gunawardena, Chief of Staff, whom the UNF Government
wants to appoint as the next Commander. The fact that he is their
choice, The Sunday Times learnt, had already been conveyed to him
by Defence Minister Marapana. Here is the line up of those who are
affected:
1. Maj. Gen.
Lohan Gunawardena (Intake 2) - Date of retirement November 22, 2003.
He was confirmed in his substantive rank on December 4, 1997. He
completed his mandatory three-year maximum period in the rank on
December 4, 2000. He is on his second extended tenure, which is
due to end on December 4, 2002.
2. Maj. Gen.
Anton Wijendra (Intake 3) - Date of retirement August 30, 2003.
He was confirmed in his substantive rank on February 24, 1999. He
completes his mandatory three-year maximum period in the rank on
February 24, 2003.
3. Maj. Gen.
Shantha Kottegoda (Intake 3) - Date of retirement November 5, 2004.
He was confirmed in his substantive rank on February 24, 1999. He
completes his mandatory three-year maximum period in the rank on
February 24, 2003.
4. Maj. Gen.
Chula Seneviratne (Intake 3) - Date of retirement December 9, 2004.
He was confirmed in his substantive rank on February 24, 1999. He
completes his mandatory three-year maximum period in the rank on
February 24, 2003.
5. Maj. Gen.
Sarath Fonseka (Intake 3) - Date of retirement December 17, 2005.
He was confirmed in his substantive rank on April 2, 1999. He completes
his mandatory three- year maximum period in the rank on February
24, 2003.
The only way
in which the five senior officers mentioned above could remain in
service is if they are granted extended terms by the President who
is the Commander-in-Chief. Herein lies a knotty problem.
Maj. Gen. Neil
Dias was groomed by the PA Government to become Army Commander after
Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who was then due to retire. He was even sent
hurriedly for a defence management course at the United States Post
Naval Graduate School in California. The course is tailor made for
those aspiring to hold command positions. When he returned in December,
last year, Maj. Gen. Dias had less than three weeks to serve. President
Kumaratunga granted an extension of tenure until April 12, 2002.
Maj. Gen. Dias
sought a further extension of service. It was, however, turned down
by the UNF Government. Defence Minister Tilak Marapana, is learnt
to have told President Kumaratunga it was not the UNF policy to
grant extensions of service to those reaching the mandatory maximum
period or their age of retirement. Hence, Maj. Gen. Dias had to
retire.
The matter
came to the fore again when the UNF Government had to fill the post
of Chief of Staff rendered vacant for over five months following
the retirement of Maj. Gen. Dias. President Kumaratunga agreed to
appoint Maj. Gen. Lohan Gunawardena as the Chief of Staff but reminded
that she would adhere to the policy (of the UNF Government) of not
granting extensions. Hence Maj. Gen. Gunawardena's appointment as
Chief of Staff is until his extended term expires on December 4,
2002.
Four weeks before she granted a 15 month extended tenure to Lt.
Gen. Balagalle, President Kumaratunga extended the tenure of office
of Navy Commander Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri, for a period of three
years. He was due to retire on September 1, this year. This affected
the promotional prospects of six senior officers (Situation Report
- August 18)
There were
indications that the UNF Government may try to persuade both Vice
Admiral Sandagiri and Lt. Gen. Balagalle to voluntarily conclude
their terms early in a bid to accommodate others. Whilst Vice Admiral
Sandagiri is to be offered another position (a diplomatic posting
is not ruled out), Lt. Gen. Balagalle is to be called upon to take
up the post of acting Chief of Defence Staff until he is appointed
Chairman of Joint Chief of Staff. That is after legislation is introduced
in Parliament. Here again, the move raises more questions than it
answers. The changes will require the approval of the President
who is Commander-in-Chief.
But a more
serious development seems to come from a Government Committee that
reviewed the functioning of defence organisations. In its Interim
Report it has recommended the establishment of a Joint Chief of
Staff Committee headed by a Chairman to function directly under
the Minister of Defence - a move which PA defence advisors interpret
as a move to clip the President's powers as Commander-in-Chief.
Already faced
with the threat posed by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution
to take away her powers to dissolve Parliament after a year, moves
to erode her powers as Commander-in-Chief are bound to draw an angry
response.
Already President
Kumaratunga has in a letter to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe
on Thursday raised issues on the dangers to national security. It
drew a response from Defence Minister Marapana on Friday.
Whether her
warning is a precursor to taking over the Defence Ministry (and
even the Interior Ministry) under her wing now remains a crucial
question. More so with the UNF's plans for legislation to overhaul
the nation's defence mechanism and thus deny to the Commander-in-Chief
some of the powers that office enjoys now.
If the truce
has brought a halt to one protracted war, many appear to be waging
in the defence establishment. The debilitating effect it has on
the security forces and the Police seems to be buried deep in the
euphoria of a truce. The billion-dollar question is whether those
responsible are aware.
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