Suicide
bombings: a crime against humanity
The argument is fairly old and it all depends from what perspective
that you look at it; when "just wars" are waged, are suicide
bombings a legitimate way of hitting back against the might of the
State? The High Court order this week sentencing Tiger chief Prabhakaran
and four others in absentia to 200 years in jail is an unequivocal
answering of this question in the negative.
And in a somewhat
interesting coincidence, the High Court order comes in the backdrop
of renewed international condemnation of suicide bombings as a crime
against humanity.
This Friday,
the New York-based Human Rights Watch issued a 170-page report,
reasoning out as to exactly why suicide bombers are guilty of war
crimes. At the base of this reasoning was the acknowledgement that
the bombings deliberately target civilians, making the perpetrators
guilty of crimes against humanity.
Friday's report
focuses mainly on the Israeli-Palestine conflict but draws important
parallel lessons for countries in which suicide bombers predominate.
The Report concludes that leaders of Palestinian groups should face
criminal investigation.
It also dismisses
the counter argument by armed groups that state attacks which kill
or injure civilians can be legitimately met by terror strikes that
target civilians. The bottom line is clear; under no circumstances
can deliberate attacks against civilians be condoned.
Importantly,
the activist group which has earned a reputation for itself as a
non partisan human rights monitoring body, refers particularly to
the fact that principles of international law require that those
in authority be held accountable when people under their control
commit war crimes or crimes against humanity.
"The people
who carry out suicide bombings are not martyrs, they're war criminals,
and so are the people who help plan such attacks," said Kenneth
Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. "They clearly
fall under the category of crimes against humanity."
Friday's report
by Human Rights Watch follows an equally harsh condemnation of the
tactics of suicide bombings by a fellow activist lobbying group,
Amnesty International (AI) in July this year. AI also categorized
suicide bombings as crimes against humanity.
As far as the
conflict in the Middle East is concerned, the strong positions taken
by both groups is in the background of a balanced critique of the
role played by both parties in the brushing aside of human rights
and humanitarian law concerns.
International
law context within which condemnation of suicide bombings take place
is clear. Rules for the conduct of wars and armed liberation actions
are found in the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their two additional
protocols in relation to international and non-international armed
conflicts. The Geneva principles stress the fact that targeting
civilians, whether on purpose or by gross negligence, is unlawful.
In recent times, the statute of the International Criminal Court
(ICC) has also added a new dimension to the discussions. Sri Lanka's
High Court order is therefore unsurprising in the reinforcing of
these well known principles of humanitarian law and finds echoes
in this sense in the jurisprudence coming out of the Israeli Supreme
Court sitting as the High Court of Justice (HCJ). Common trends
of judicial reasoning is discernible not only in the judicial responses
to attacks that kill civilians but also in the manner in which the
courts have tried to answer other dilemmas of the law in dealing
with norms of human rights and humanitarian law in times of war.
Thus, there are interesting similarities as well as points of departure
in the manner in which the Israeli HCJ has ruled regarding the use
of force by Israel's security services in interrogating detainees
suspected of terror activities. The HCJ has ruled that the use of
physical pressure is unauthorised and constitutes criminal offense,
even in cases of a "ticking bomb" where there is an imminent
threat of a terrorist attack, subject only to the general defense
of "necessity". The HJC has further ruled that the "necessity"
defense, even in a "ticking bomb" cases, could only be
established as an ex post defense to a criminal charge, not as an
immunity afforded to the interrogators beforehand.
Meanwhile,
the political environment within which Sri Lanka's order was pronounced
this week is, of course, a different reality altogether. Nevertheless,
the severity of the content of the order reminds us (as it should)
of the fact that accountability, in whatever circumstances, cannot
be dispensed with as easily as political expediency demands.
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