Ensuring electoral accountability
In a country comfortable with a largely deadened
conscience, the closure of entry points from the 'uncleared' areas
of Batticaloa and Wanni to the 'cleared' areas where the polling
stations were situated (on the orders of the Army Commander) during
the General Elections of 2001, aroused no great outrage. The consequent
decision by the Commissioner of Elections not to order a repoll
in the affected areas at a later point in time was also met with
the same insouciance despite the denial of voting rights of some
fifty five thousand voters.
One and a half
years later however, the Supreme Court has found in explicit terms
as to why these actions on the part of public officials of this
country offended fundamental constitutional norms governing the
conduct of elections. Taken to its highest, this means that the
Army Commander should resign for mala fide actions that were judicially
found to be shrouded in secrecy and haste, even more at a time,
aptly pointed out by Court when there was a "serious erosion
of public confidence in the integrity of the electoral process."
The Court,
(in the judgement of M.D.H. Fernando J., with Ismail J. and Wigneswaran
J. agreeing), delivered this week, pinpoints the flawed nature of
the decision taken by the Army Commander in commonsensical terms.
The closure of the entry points was consequent to orders given by
the Army Commander without any notification to the Commissioner
of Elections, who ultimately learnt of the closure only at the eleventh
hour and through others. The manner in which this was done was ruled
by Court to give rise to grave suspicion as to its bona fides.
The reason
stated was the fear that LTTE cadres, some having voting rights,
might mingle with voters and infiltrate into 'cleared' areas. However,
these reasons did not stand up to the scrutiny of Court in that
they were found to be based not on factual reports showing an objective
and reasonable basis for the fear but rather on speculative fears
and possibilities.
The 'possibility'
of LTTE infiltration, disruption and destabilization was, as pointed
out, " a known and obvious danger" from the start when
it was decided to allow candidates to campaign in the "uncleared"
areas and to establish "cluster" polling stations in the
'cleared' areas for voters coming in from the 'uncleared' areas.
At that time, all were of the view that adequate safeguards could
be taken in respect of the risks involved, as indeed had been the
case in past elections.
The Army Commander
had not shown whether and how that 'possibility' had changed to
a clear and present danger. Whatever reports relating to this in
the possession of the Commander had been produced before court,
he had not offered any reason for the non-production nor had the
Court been informed of their contents, even in a general way. Thus,
the requirement to establish reasonable grounds, based on national
security, for the closure of the entry points had not been satisfied.
But, there
was more to this. The failure of the Army Commander to promptly
inform and consult the Commissioner of Elections of this decision
to close the entry points prevented the former of exploring the
feasibility of making alternative arrangements under the Parliamentary
Elections Act No 1 of 1981 in order to enable the affected voters
in Batticoloa and Wanni, to vote.
The whole thus
made it likely that the real intention of the Army Commander was
to prevent over sixty five thousand voters from "voting either
then or later, knowing that this would further the interests of
parties or groups not hopeful of their support." The consequent
judicial finding is that the Army Commander was responsible for
violations of the right to freedom of speech (inclusive of the right
to vote), freedom of movement and the right to equal protection
of the law, of five citizens so prevented from exercising their
vote.
In the second
instance, the Commissioner of Elections is also visited with culpability
in that while the law provided him with the remedy of a repoll,
he had not done so, thereby violating the right to freedom of speech
and expression (and necessarily the right to vote), of those citizens.
As on previous occasions, it is observed that the Commissioner made
an honest effort - although inadequate - to ensure a genuine election
but that his authority was insidiously undermined by withholding
the necessary support and resources.
More stringent
blame is however laid on the Commissioner with regard to a piquant
contradiction of sorts impacting on the conducting of elections.
This is in reference to the order of the Commissioner providing
facilities to vote from home for six persons, namely President Chandrika
Kumaratunge and front runners of the previous regime, Ratnasiri
Wickremenayake, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Anura Bandaranaike, Anurudddha
Ratwatte and Mangala Samaraweera while, as pressed by one citizen
of Batticaloa before court, he and others were prevented from voting
at all.
The Commissioner's
order was made under Section 129 of the Parliamentary Elections
Act. He is found to have acted blindly on the unsubstantiated representations
of the Secretary to the President and extended quite extraordinary
privileges to six persons without even receiving a request from
them.
Thus, the Court
finds the complaint of one of the petitioners justified, namely
that "a few who had the privilege of extensive security provided
by the State were given the additional facility of voting at home
while from those who had no security at all, even the right to vote
had been stealthily taken away.
In more provocative
reasoning, it is found in any event that such an order could not
have been made under Section 129 of the Act which would not give
the Commissioner the power to issue general directions that are
contrary to the fundamental principles of the Act, including 'voting
at home.'
The high award
of personal costs to be paid by the Army Commander (totalling Rs
90,000) stresses the issue of electoral accountability underlying
the ethos of this week's judgement in no uncertain terms. At the
very minimum, this should awaken our sense of outrage so that such
blatant violations of basic democratic rights do not occur ever
again in this country. |