Blair-faced lies cause Labour pains
The events
leading up to the war on Iraq and its aftermath contain many lessons
for the public. The first is not to believe or believe in politicians.
Not that the long-suffering people of Sri Lanka need to be reminded
on this score.
After all they
have enjoyed the right to vote for 70 years and doubtless have long
memories about the mafia-style politics that has emerged. The great
democratic experiment, among the very first in Asia and nurtured
with loving care, has produced its fair crop of thugs in lily-white
vertis and shirts with Nehru collars. Perhaps today they parade
in luxury vehicles, the .45 magnums tucked into their Calvin Klein
shirts or Armani jackets.
Fortunately
politicians in Britain do not behave like Clint Eastwood, though
I wouldn't like to vouch for some of those across the Atlantic.
Yet like most politicians they have cultivated the art of spinning
and doctoring that turns lies and untruths into the great verities
of our day. But such lies, distortions and false promises cannot
remain undiscovered like the weapons of mass destruction(WMD) with
which Saddam Hussain threatened the security of the United Kingdom-or
so we are told in the gospel according to St Blair.
Some day, and
sometimes far sooner than politicians expect, the cover may begin
to fall away. Then comes the day when the multitude, like the little
boy in the fable, will shout that their leaders have no clothes
on.
If the unfortunate
and illegitimate Iraq war taught the public, especially in Britain
and America, a lesson, it carried equally important messages to
politicians and their hoodlum friends who are parasites fattening
themselves on the body of the politician and the body politic.
The lesson for
the politicians is this. However powerful the leader and however
powerful the country, such power is not permanent. Those who throw
their miserable weight around in one's own country or in the world
outside, do not last forever.
Today George
W Bush, the leader of the world's sole superpower and Tony Blair,
prime minister of a country that is a permanent member of the UN
Security Council, both of whom preside over their own weapons of
mass destruction, stand indicted for leading their respective countries
into war with false and misleading information.
They are not
legally charged of such a serious offence and greater the pity for
that. But they stand morally accused not only of pursuing an illegal
and unnecessary war but also of justifying the war to their publics
on false and cooked up information with the sole intention of winning
the confidence of their peoples.
In the United
States two senate committees have called for joint hearings on whether
Bush and his neo-conservative administration misused and doctored
intelligence information to concoct a case for attacking Iraq.
In Australia,
where another hard-right prime minister, John Howard took his country
into the same war, the Labour opposition is seriously considering
whether to call for a public inquiry on the very same issue.
Anyway, Australia's
defence minister believes that a public inquiry might be the best
way to allay public doubts. Last week an Australian intelligence
officer who resigned recently said on BBC television that he thought
the intelligence on which the leaders claim they decided to act,
was pretty flimsy.
But here in
Britain, Tony Blair at the epicentre of the controversy since he
threw his weight completely on the side of the war-mongers in the
Bush administration without really weighing the political and diplomatic
consequences, is refusing to grant a public inquiry.
He is afraid
that a public inquiry will remove the fig leaf under which he has
been hiding his moral nudity. So what is the British public, growing
increasingly sceptical about the evidence with which Blair justified
the war, being given- a hearing by the Joint Intelligence and Security
Committee whose inquiry will be behind closed doors and is anyway
packed with Blair appointees. It is not even sure whether whatever
report it comes up with will be published in full or edited- in
the name of security, of course.
But such a highly
restrictive inquiry is hardly going to satisfy the millions of British
citizens who opposed the war for several reasons. The Labour Party
leadership seems to blame everybody but itself for the current contretemps
that has greatly embarrassed the party facing a general election
in two years time.
That is another
reason why Tony Blair does not want a public inquiry. It could become
very dangerous for Labour if ever it emerged that Britain was dragged
into a war without justification at the time and even less legitimacy
in restrospect.
Nobody will
trust the joint intelligence and security committee to come up with
anything substantial that will blow Blair's credibility to bits.
If Blair tries to hide behind this committee he is leaving himself
wide open to continued attacks, particularly since no weapons of
mass destruction or signs they existed, have been discovered more
than two months after the war began and thousands of American troops
and experts were deployed to find the proof that will get Bush and
Blair off the hook.
When Blair proclaimed
to the British people that Saddam had WMD, that he had the capacity
to deploy them in 45 minutes, that his weapons were a threat to
the region and Britain, that British soldiers in Cyprus were in
danger and produced an intelligence dossier to prove all this, he
asked them to believe him.
I am the man
who knows this. I am the man who has seen the intelligence reports.
I am the man who was privy to intelligence from Washington. So trust
me. Have confidence in me when I say Saddam has all this.
That was his
message to the British people as he dragged them into a war in which
there were British casualties. But to date not one illegal warhead
has been found. Not one drum of chemicals for weapons. Not a single
incriminating document that provides any evidence of a vast arsenal
of illegal weapons. And like Osama bin Laden, not even Saddam.
Before the war
Blair asked us to have confidence in him. During the war he said
the weapons would soon be found. After the war he said he was certain
WMD did exist.
All the searching has not found a thimbleful of chemical or biological
toxins that could be used in building a weapon of mass destruction.
Remember WMD
was the principle on which the argument for the war rested. It is
because Saddam had ignored so many UN resolutions and had purportedly
not destroyed all his WMD and had defied the UN, that Bush, Blair
and a few other coalition partners went to war.
The fact that
Saddam was a tyrant and had killed thousands of his own people was
not the reason canvassed before the UN, for launching the war but
one added on later to show they were on a crusading mission to civilise
the Middle East.
In fact the
coalition partners were not ready to give the UN arms inspection
team a couple of more months when its chief Hans Blix asked for
time. Still the coalition pleaded urgency and wanted to destroy
the weapons immediately. If they found the inspection teams wanting,
the coalition experts have proved a greater failure in locating
the weapons that the Colin Powell and Blair proved with bell, book
and candle, existed.
Hans Blix later said that the evidence for war was "very, very
shaky".
It seems that
the leaders of the US and Britain detest independent inquiries or
independent inspection teams fearing public exposure. When US Defence
Secretary Don Rumsfeld said recently that it does not matter if
weapons of mass destruction are not found, it proved the importance
of WMD- Words of Mass Deception- to hoodwink not only the American
and British people but also the United Nations that represents the
world's nations.
Many Labour
Party backbenchers who were convinced by Blair of the Iraqi threat
now fear that the Blair's diminishing credibility will rub off on
the party. That is why the Blair-faced lies are causing Labour pains.
But Blair's messianic complex and his undying belief in himself
will not cause him worry. Even if a catapult with a range of 100
yards is not found in the whole of Iraq, Blair will probably say
with Sherlock Holmes: "Absence of evidence is not evidence
of absence". |