Political Column  

For now at least, who is rocking the boat?
By Our Political Editor
On Thursday morning the Sri Lanka Navy spotted 6 boats hovering around the Jaffna lagoon. These boats were around 6 kilometres into the lagoon, across from government of Sri Lanka controlled territory.

The Sri Lanka Navy informed the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) almost immediately after these sightings, and the Monitoring Mission was almost immediately activated. But when SLMM members physically wanted to verify the presence of the boats, they had disappeared.

The political wing leader of the LTTE however, told the SLMM, upon inquiry by the latter, that the boats were not LTTE boats, and that he was unaware whose boats they were.

On Thursday morning around 7.10 a.m the Sri Lanka Navy also spotted a boat about 3 kilometres into the lagoon from the shore area occupied by GOSL. The boat was cruising for a while in this area of the lagoon, and then, a dozen boats came into view about 6 kilometres from the shore in the same area.

The SLMM was contacted -- and the same process was activated again, but as earlier, the LTTE said that the boats were not theirs. As of the time of writing the SLMM was yet to ascertain to whom these boats belonged -- the boats that were seen on Thursday had also disappeared by the time the SLMM wanted to verify their presence themselves. Also at the time of writing, the SLMM was conducting comprehensive inquires, but had not yet ascertained anythng cocusive about these dissapearing boats in the lagoon.

Is the LTTE getting ready for some action? Is this the political fallout of the government going ahead with the Tokyo aid meeting, without the LTTE's participation? Some unconfirmed information from certain sources indicated that this might be so - - and that the government is conferring in secret about the possibility of this kind of fallout as a result of the aid conference and related events in the political arena. But otherwise, it was largely business as usual. Even the SLMM was not in any state of heightened alert - - their business was also very much as usual….

The real political drama was in the South, even though the LTTE sent a clear message last week via Gajendra Ponnambalam, MP, the son of the late Kumar Ponnambalam that the LTTE was hoping that even at the eleventh hour, the Prime Minister will change his mind about an Interim Administration, making possible such an Interim Administration on their (the LTTE's) terms.

By now it was an open secret in political circles that Indian intervention, of some sort had 'forced the hand' of the Prime Minister to confine the Interim Administration to what he offered ie: the one with the ' developmental blueprint' with an Apex body , which the Tigers famously rejected. It was also reported that a RAW (Research and Analysis Wing)operative was seen in the North, masquerading as an Indian official - which sighting had apparently not pleased the Tigers at all.

From the initial period in which an Interim Administration was mooted, when the UNF had just clinched power and was heavy on the rhetoric about an Interim Administration, it had been pointed out that India will not tolerate an upstart LTTE running affairs just south of the 'border' as it were. So, if the RAW or whoever the Indian operatives were, indeed prevailed on the Sri Lankan political leadership to water down any Interim arrangement -- that development certainly didn't qualify as an award winning surprise. But strangely the internal political rhetoric continued as if India had nothing to do with any of this at all --- and that is the direction that the political discourse will have to go. As far as interested parties are concerned (the LTTE, the Tamil National Alliance etc etc.,) the Government of Sri Lanka has offered a particular type of interim arrangement to the LTTE and that was the bottom line.

Whatever involvement of external powers was therefore, politically speaking, an aside.
For instance, there has been a furious sideshow, between the EPDP led by Douglas Devananda and the TULF, on the issue of the Interim Administration. Last week, Douglas Devananda wrote to the TULF , calling the TULF leadership all kinds of names, for instance on the issue of the Interim Administration.

He had said that Sambandan's earlier letter to the PM on the matter was full of errors and inaccuracies; and he had also said that even though there was an understanding after the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed, about an Interim Administration between the GOSL and the LTTE, this was subject to the condition that the LTTE will lay down weapons , and create a democratic political environment conducive to all political parties.

He adds that the TULF was itself, with the help of the late Dr Neelan Thiruchelvam, placing obstacles to an Interim Administration when the Kumaratunga government was holding discussions with the Tigers on setting up such an administration in 1994. Among a host of other factors the EPDP leader points to the fact that the TNA is not the elected representative of the voter of the North and the East, certainly not exclusively. For instance he says that there are 6 representatives in the Jaffna and the Wanni who do not subscribe to TNA politics.

But his most vociferous is saved for the final paragraph of the letter which says that the Tamil people 'cannot be sacrificed in the hypocritical drama that is being staged by the LTTE, which is acting with the sole aim of establishing its hegemony over the Tamil people.'

Sambandan's earlier letter addressed to the Prime Minister states among other things that during the tenure of the first Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga government in 1994, discussions took place regarding the setting up of an Interim administration for the NorthEast. If the peace talks continued an Interim Administration would have been set up. The thinking was that the LTTE would be given a significant presence in the Interim Administration.

He also states: In the context of the clearly articulated position of the United National Front/United National Party in its election manifesto the vast majority of the people both in and outside the North East support the setting up of an Interim Administration. The LTTE had made it clear therefore that political imperatives make it necessary for the Sri Lankan government to agree to the setting up of an Interim Administration according to the LTTE's guideline, which is that the LTTE will be the dominant power in such an Interim arrangement.

No piti kotapang pushover
The Tokyo talks will get under way with or without the LTTE. The Japanese definitely have not been successful in getting the LTTE to play ball as far as participating in the Interim Administration is concerned.

The Japanese have been unable to get the Sri Lankan President to play ball either. Even though the Japanese Ambassador in Colombo (who sings a mean Gypsies imitation of 'piti kotapang nonay' at various parties and let-your-hair-down gatherings) has tried, he has not been able to get the Sri Lanka 'none' (Her Excellency the President) to do his bidding. And even though peace envoy Akashi wanted a video clip message from the President to be played at the donor conference in Japan, the President has decided to opt out of it.

The President created a minor flutter when she said that she will facilitate a de-merger of the North and East provinces soon, using her powers. She said so to a delegation of Buddhist monks who called on her and asked for such a de-merger; but the fact that Presidential spokesman declined to comment on the matter later, indicated tht this was perhaps not the most considered Presidential promise.

As for Japan and the whole matter of getting the President's good offices too involved in the Japan deliberations, when it was revealed that TIME magazine was to bestow an 'Asian hero' honour on the President after the donor conference, she said that that's just the way that international magazines go ga-ga over these things. She was named one of Asia's top ten personalities, she said, when her peace bout with the LTTE was going on, but as soon as the LTTE pulled out such honours were forgotten. It is the story of the fifteen minutes of fame, then?

The President among other things was a calming influence on some PA hotheads who complained that there was absolutely no security for PA MPs in the new assassination culture (re the provincial councillor Ranjith killing) on top of which they were trying to take over the guns that have been given for security purposes to Members of Parliament.

The President said she will have none of that and will ask Ranil Wickremesinghe to see that all guns possessed by UNP thugs were handed in first. Meanwhile though there were certainly moves, as there always was among a PA coterie to stage a power bid, from all indications and from all information at hand, it seems that this is but the work of a good deal of hopefuls who are vying for power and position. It is a 'wannabe' parade, more than a serious considered bid for power, at least from all that it looks to be at the moment.

The man for all polls
A poll win (BCCSL) was registered on behalf of Thilanga Sumathipala, a man who has notched up election victories now in areas as so far afield, that there is no way one can even begin to bet on what election he will win next. He is definitely a new polls phenomenon in this country -- every poll he touches seems to be a successful pole-vault for power.

It will be recorded in history, no matter what they said about at that time, that Sumahipala had the major hand to play in the backrooms, in ensuring the downfall of the PA government.

Then Sumathipala 'backed' (informally albeit) the correct candidate for the Presidency of the Bar Association, who won despite a formidable fight by a well organised opposiing candidate. Sumathipala was there at all victory celebrations by the winner. Now Sumathipala has -- yawn - won the BCCSL elections in what was for all intents and purposes a one horse race.

He is no new kid on the block, which is why he is not acting like one. In a recent letter written in his capacity of Sri Lanka Telecom Chiarman, to bureaucrat and Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Communications Mr K. Abeysinghe, Sumathipala pooh pooh's Telelcom Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka, with regard to “interconnection Rules”concerning overseas calls etc.,

In reply, referring to 'your (Thilanga's) unnecessary acrimonious letter' the Ministry Secretary says he was only doing his job. Earlier Sumahtipala had said in this so called acrimonious letter that he had never seen such disorganised and unprofessional methods in the project of telecom liberalisation embarked on by the TRCSL. Sumathipala has also pointed out that TRCSL cannot talk of investor interest, while ignoring the interests of NIT which invested heavily in Sri Lanka Telecom.

But the rub, says those in the industry, is on why Sumathipala is stalling on the liberalisation process. His appointment as the head of Sri Lanka telecom had raised eyebrows for the fact that a relative had acquired telecom operations including call termination operations which could pose a threat over conflict of interest issues. The Secretary has all but alluded to these - - and he has certainly stood his ground, and shown the displeasure of the government with regard to what is but a government representative on the SLT Board.(Sumathipala).

It may be a home and home affair -- but who wins this round? The last time a Ministry Secretary got involved in such an exchange of letters, he had to leave his job. This no election, what?


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