Safe
house raid: heads roll as Army Chief cracks the whip
The sequel to the Police raid on the Army Safe House at Athurugiriya
two years ago, which brought disastrous consequences to Sri Lanka's
national security interests, began to unfurl last Friday.
That
morning, Major General Ivan Dassanayake, Adjutant General, walked
into the electronically secure office room of the Army Commander
in the now shut down Baladaksha Mawatha. There, whilst Chief of
Staff, Maj. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda watched, Army Chief, Lt. Gen.
Lionel Balagalle, broke the news.
He
told Maj. Gen. Dassanayake he would have to retire from his post
on March 31, this year - three months ahead of his scheduled date
of retirement. This is upon reaching his mandatory maximum period
of three years in the rank on June 30.
However,
Maj. Gen. Dassanayake was eligible to appeal for an extension of
service until December 16, this year, when he would have reached
55 years. That premature exit from service was being imposed on
him for his role in the raid; he was told by Lt. Gen. Balagalle.
Maj. Gen. Dassanayake is learnt to have strongly denied complicity
and pleaded innocence over allegations made against him.
At
the time the Police raided the Safe House run by the Army's Directorate
of Military Intelligence (DMI), Maj. Gen. Dassanayake was the Provost
Marshal of the Army. In this capacity the Sri Lanka Corps Military
Police (SLCMP) was his responsibility. Since then, he has assumed
office as the Army's Adjutant General and Colonel Commandant of
the SLCMP. As Adjutant General, he is a Principal Staff Officer
and is responsible for the directorates of Personnel Administration,
Welfare, Medical Services, Pay and Records, Rehabilitation, Humanitarian
Law, Recruiting, Legal and Provost Marshal.
Later
that same afternoon, Colonel Parakrama Dissanayake, Deputy Commandant
of the Army Training College at Diyatalawa appeared before the Army
Chief and his deputy. Also present was Military Secretary, Maj.
Gen. K.B. Egodawala.
Lt.
Gen. Balagalle told this one time Commanding Officer of the (first)
Military Intelligence Corps and Staff Officer at DMI, that his commission
as a Colonel in the Sri Lanka Army was being withdrawn. He said
he was being dismissed with effect from January 30, this year.
As
Col. Dissanayake walked out of the Army Commander's office after
learning the bad news, walking in was Major Najith Karunaratne,
head of military intelligence in the Jaffna peninsula. He was also
told that his commission as a Major in the Sri Lanka Army was being
withdrawn and he was expelled from service with effect from January
30, this year.
Col.
Dissanayake was summoned to Colombo from Diyatalawa. Security Forces
Headquarters, Jaffna, was advised to direct Maj. Karunaratne, who
was on leave, to report to Army Headquarters by Friday. These were
done on Thursday evening by Military Secretary Maj. Gen. Egodawala.
The
disciplinary action against the two would mean that after January
30, they will be forbidden from holding their ranks. In other words
they would be reduced to civilian status and will not be entitled
to any Army pension. In addition, all military installations would
also be out of bounds for the two.
This
disciplinary action against the three officers is the Army's main
response to the findings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry
into the Safe House raid. They were determined by Army Commander,
Lt. Gen. Balagalle upon a directive from President Chandrika Bandaranaike
Kumaratunga as exclusively revealed in The Sunday Times (Situation
Report - January 18). She had directed that the commissions of those
Army officers who were directly or indirectly involved be withdrawn.
She had also directed that other ranks involved be discharged from
service.
President
Kumaratunga's directive, The Sunday Times learnt, came after her
advisers made two separate detailed studies of the report submitted
by former Appeal Court Judge, D. Jayawickrema. He was the one man
Presidential Commission that probed "into the disclosure of
the existence of and the raid on the Safe House operated by the
Sri Lanka Army at Athurugiriya."
Lt.
Gen. Balagalle is learnt to have forwarded to President Kumaratunga
last Monday his own recommendations on how punishment should be
meted out to those on whom indictments were made by the Commission.
After obtaining her approval to initiate such action, he is learnt
to have also sought and obtained a written directive on Friday from
Defence Secretary, Cyril Herath to enforce them. The move meant
that both the Commander-in-Chief and the Defence Secretary have
formally endorsed the action determined by Lt. Gen. Balagalle as
Commander of the Army.
Although
President Kumaratunga was expected to review the Army Commander's
recommendations with her own advisers, before giving instructions
for a go ahead, the move did not materialise.
Besides
the disciplinary action on the three officers on Friday, another
officer, Lt. Col. Padmasiri Udugampola, is to be marched before
Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Kottegoda, in the coming week. He is to
be warned for refusing to testify before an Army Court of Inquiry
that probed matters connected with the raid. He is also to be deprived
of any promotions or extensions of service. Two more officers are
also to face disciplinary action and their performance kept under
observation for a year. Corporal Anura Peiris of the DMI who had
attempted to obtain the address of the Safe House is also to be
dismissed from service.
The
Presidential Commission of Inquiry findings went into nine separate
aspects. In response to "Whether there was any information
given by any personnel of the Armed Forces disclosing the existence
of a Safe House at Athurugiriya," the Commission report said:
"The
existence of the Safe House operated by the Sri Lanka Army at No.844
Millennium City, Athurugiriya is beyond any doubt. Except a retired
Lieutenant Colonel, Jayavi Fernando, all other witnesses including
the Army Commander and other officers, the Inspector General of
Police and the other senior Police Officers who gave evidence as
witnesses before this Commission accepted that this was a legally
maintained Safe House by the Sri Lanka Army. Even Jayavi Fernando
expressed the view that there was an Army sub-unit at this house
and that it was not a safe house.
"There
is strong evidence that Col. D.P. Dissanayake, USP psc, made attempts
to obtain the address of this Safe House before the 2001 December
General Election, and also just a few days before the raid through
Major M.B. de S. Jayatilleke, RSP MIC - GSO 1 DMI, and Corp. M.P.
Anura Peiris, MPA MIC. The evidence of these officers themselves
proves this fact.
"Knowing
Capt. Nilam very well there was no necessity for Col. D.P. Dissanayake
to find out the address and the whereabouts of Nilam through his
junior officers. If he wanted he could have directly contacted Capt.
Nilam and got whatever information he wanted. Col. Dissanayake's
explanation was that he wanted to contact Capt. Nilam to get his
assistance in respect of the house Col. Dissanayake was building
at Malabe.
"The
evidence before this Commission further discloses the fact that
Lt. Col. Padmasiri Udugampola, SLCMP, brother of ASP Kulasiri Udugampola,
Major General Ivan Dassanayake and ColonelK.H.N.S.S. Dharmaratna,
Major A.C.A. de Soysa, SLCMP, Major A.S.P. Podiralahamy, SLCMP,
Major K.U. Jayanetti, SLCMP, Major B.M.A.N.S.K. Karunaratne MIC
Corps, J.H.A.P. de Silva, JHAT-MIC, Corp. M.P.A. Peiris, JHAT-MIC
were all aware of the impending raid and have directly and indirectly
assisted Kulasiri Udugampola in raiding this Safe House.
"If
these officers had any doubts about the Safe House they should have
brought it to the notice of the Army Commander and moved the Military
Police to investigate. But these officers, without doing so, have
conspired with Kulasiri Udugampola to raid this Safe House for their
own personal benefits. Moreover, none of these officers have informed
the Army Commander or the Director, DMI, about the raid before the
raid."
After
the Commission ruled that the raid "was a betrayal and absolute
treachery to the nation" and concluded that Mr. Kulasiri Udugampola,
then SP in charge of Operations in the Kandy Police Division "backed
up with political patronage" stalled these covert operations
and "betrayed this gallant unit," there was considerable
public outrage. This is particularly after state run media, both
electronic and print, gave wide publicity to the Commission's findings
and recommendations. There was many an interview with the man on
the street where private citizens voiced deep concern over how national
security interests were compromised and demanded deterrent action.
In
this context, the question naturally arises whether the actions
ordered by President Kumaratunga, Commander-in-Chief in meting out
punishment to those involved have been carried out justly and fairly.
The question is being asked not only because there have been many
pressure moves to sweep the whole issue under the carpet. In fact,
for two long years after the raid, the United National Front Government
ignored the entire episode though more than 44 persons - intelligence
operatives, informants and the like - have been murdered since the
raid on the Safe House - the result of its secret activities becoming
public.
Captain
Mohamed Nilam, who led Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) operations
from the Athurugiriya Safe House together with a team of other Army
men have gone to Supreme Court to complain their fundamental rights
have been violated. The judgement in this case is pending. It is
known that some very influential personalities in the UNF tried
to persuade Captain Nilam and party to withdraw their case. They
were offered attractive cash rewards and promised employment cum
refuge in a country of their choice together with their families.
When such persuasion failed, some of these personalities began hurling
frivolous accusations at the men and challenged their roles as LRRP
operatives.
Since
the Presidential Commission of Inquiry has noted that the raid was
an act of treachery that harmed Sri Lanka's security interests,
the question is raised in the national interest. The Sunday Times
learnt that Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, had explained to
the authorities concerned the reasons why he has personally determined
the punishment to be meted out to only some and left out others
on whom strictures have been made by the Presidential Commission.
He may well be quite right in saying so.
On
the other hand, several important questions arise. It was Lt. Gen.
Balagalle who was Commander of the Army on January 2, 2002 when
the Police raided the Safe House. At the behest of then Minister
of Defence, Tilak Marpana, he appointed an Army Court of Inquiry
to go into the matter. This Court was constituted by him in consultation
with then Defence Secretary, Austin Fernando.
This
Court of Inquiry was headed by Maj. Gen. Ivan Dassanayake and comprised
Brigadier M.R.W. de Zoysa, Colonel K.A.N.S.K.A. Dharmaratne and
Col. J. Pathirana. This inquiry concluded that the Safe House run
by the DMI was engaged in legitimate counter terrorist activity.
It also determined that all the military equipment found in this
Safe House was obtained legitimately and after laid down procedures
were followed.
Prime
Minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe, later studied the findings of this
Court of Inquiry. He was satisfied that only legitimate counter
terrorist activity was conducted from the Safe House. He therefore
directed then Defence Secretary, Austin Fernando, to order the Army
Commander to appoint another Court of Inquiry. This was mainly to
ascertain how the information about the existence of the Safe House
leaked thus causing colossal damage to security interests.
This
second Court of Inquiry was headed by Maj. Gen. Jayantha Ranaweera
and comprised Maj. Gen. Sivali Wanigasekera, Brig. M.R.W. de Zoysa
and Col. AW.J.C. de Silva. Here is what this second Court of Inquiry
was called upon to go into by Lt. Gen. Balagalle:
a. Whether any member of the Army obtained, or sought to obtain,
without authority and did cause a leak of any information relating
to the existence of the Intelligence Cell, otherwise referred
to as the "Safe House" at Athurugiriya, or any, or all,
authorised activity carried out thereat:
b. Whether by obtaining, and or, leaking such information, did
any member of the Army, wilfully and or deliberately, exercise
spiteful and traitorous motives by:
1. Leaking secret and operationally lethal military information
regarding the existence of the Int Cell (or Safe House) and its
activities.
2. Whether such acts were calculated to bring into ridicule the
Army in general and the DMI in particular.
3. Whether there were any attempts, wilfully or otherwise, to
tarnish the reputation of any senior officer or officers.
c. Whether any unauthorised action by any member of the Army has:
1. Affected the nation's National Security Interests.
2. Compromised covert operations which brought great honour and
success to the Army's counter terrorist operations.
3. Exposed the identities of members of the Int Cell (or Safe
House) at Athurugiriya and consequently endangered their lives.
4. Assisted the enemy by providing inside information of covert
operations of the DMI, which the enemy otherwise would not have
had access to, and thereby traitorously assisted the enemy to
formulate counter measures.
5. Exposed the identities of informants and thus placed their
lives at risk.
6. Caused a completely erroneous and wrong image about the Army
in the minds of Political Leaders, Security Forces, Police and
General Public.
7. Other matters arising from above or incidental thereto.
The
second Court of Inquiry findings brought out answers to all the
above issues. Based on that, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, gave his own opinion
in a four page document forwarded to the Ministry of Defence. In
this, he noted that national security was severely affected and
declared that the Police raid severely affected future counter terrorist
operations of the Army.
In
this report, he recommended action against Col. D.P. Dissanayake,
Col. P. Udugampola, Major Najith Karunaratne, Major H.B. de S. Jayatithilaka,
Maj. K.V. Jayanetti, Corporal Anura Peiris, and Corporal J.H.A.P.
de Silva. The only exception to such action was in respect of Maj.
Gen. Ivan Dassanayake. However, why such action was was not taken
immediately thereafter is not clear. Whether this was because Ministry
of Defence approval was not forthcoming is also not clear. However,
the Army Commander is fully empowered to act on disciplinary matters
without seeking recourse to the Ministry of Defence. That includes
findings of Courts of Inquiry appointed by him.
All
this was when the subject of defence was in the hands of the UNF.
And more than two years went by. Nothing at all was done. It seems
ironic that action against the Army officers and men had to await
the outcome of a Presidential Commission of Inquiry - a matter initiated
by the President Kumaratunga as Commander-in-Chief. Since she had
been responsible for ordering this probe, it would have been better
if she used her prerogative and directed the course of action to
be taken instead of the Army Commander being called upon to report
on what such action should be.
The
fact that he did so raises more questions than it answers. After
all, she knew all the reasons why a Commission of Inquiry had to
be appointed to probe the matter. She was in the know of the findings
of the two Army Courts of Inquiry that sat earlier.
But
it seems hilarious if not ridiculous. Once the Commission's findings
are made known, the Army Commander is called upon to recommend courses
of action. He makes them and awaits the approval of the President
(who is Commander-in-Chief and Minister of Defence). Thereafter,
once approval is given, he seeks and obtains a directive from the
Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. That is to go ahead with the
same action.
This
is all the more intriguing because the findings of the two Courts
of Inquiry (appointed by the Army Commander himself) legally empowered
him to act on them much earlier, more than two long years before.
Why was this not done? In that context, calling upon him to recommend
measures after the Commission's findings makes matters much worse.
In
fact it raises questions on why a Presidential Commission of Inquiry
had to be appointed at all to probe the Police raid on the Safe
House? What purpose has its recommendations, which were highly publicized,
served? Was not the Commission of Inquiry much wider in scope and
content than the limited focus of the Army Courts of Inquiry?
Therefore
was not the Presidential Commission of Inquiry an exercise in futility?
It now amounts to only a sham exercise used to gain political mileage
and to point the finger at political opponents. For this purpose
millions of tax payer's money has been wasted. The long winding
process of the Commission began in August 2002 and ended in November
2003. The Commission heard 69 witnesses. Thousands of pages of evidence
was recorded and now lay at the Government Archives.
This
unfortunate situation further illustrates the acute lack of any
mechanism at the Ministry of Defence or the President's Office to
monitor vital matters relating to national security interests. Defence
Secretary, Cyril Herath, is inexperienced. It appears that he is
still learning through a trial and error process. President Kumaratunga
is far too busy with many significant political developments. There
is no Minister of Defence and no Deputy. Hence, it is not surprising,
that like in this instance, many matters defence and security continue
to drift day by day whilst some succeed effortlessly in furthering
their own agenda.
Round
one of the Athurugiriya episode, one that concerns a vital aspect
of Sri Lanka's security appears to have ended in virtual comedy.
That is after much fanfare and talk of treachery and betrayal. Now
the public wait for round two. That is when Police Chief, Indra
de Silva names a team to probe the raid by former SP and now ASP,
Kulasiri Udugampola. Would that also mean taking departmental action
that has already been recommended? That is after another long winding,
time cousuming probe is over. We will soon know !! |