Anxiety
and some excitement in the post 4/11 saga
By Our Political Editor
After the September 11th attacks
on the World Trade Centre buildings in the United States, the term
"post 9/11 scenario'' has been the preferred shorthand for
describing events that unfolded after the significant events of
that day. Hardly a day passes by without some analyst or pundit
pontificating about 'post 9/11.'
The
wags here in Colombo will never be outdone - and they have now coined
post 4/11. Post 4/11 politics in Sri Lanka are infinitely more different
than what they were the day before President Kumaratunga took over
three Ministries including Defence from the Ranil Wickremesinghe
government on November 4th last year. (The fact that Sri Lankans
put down the day before the month when they write, helps in rhyming
4/11with 9/11.)
So,
the post 4/11 scenario is yet unresolved - -and that's almost an
understatement. Asia Times for instance did a comprehensive analysis
a few days ago on the post 4/11 scenario (without of course using
'post 4/11' as their tag-line) in which many noteworthy conclusions
were arrived at. One is that President Kumaratunga has sidled upto
India in the past few months. Mention is made of the Indo-Lanka
Defence treaty, which is still in the burner -- but will probably
be a reality, even amid the howls of protest by the LTTE.
But
more importantly, the title of the article is "Covetous eyes
on Sri Lanka's strategic jewel.'' That strategic jewel of course
is Trincomalee, which is described in the article as one of the
finest deep sea ports in the world which lies between the shipping
traffic lanes connecting the Middle East and the Far East. To quote
from the article: "According to observers, Trincomalee is a
"strategic jewel". For several decades, the Pentagon had
shown interest in this port, but during the Ronald Reagan administration
interest appeared to have waned.
The
recent revival of interest in Trincomalee in the Pentagon can then
only be associated with the growing overall US interest in acquiring
bases for intervention and rapid deployment for the sake of developing
a quick strike capability in the general area.''
The
article then, only confirms the long held belief, articulated before
in this and other columns in this paper, that Sri Lanka is fast
becoming a location for a proxy power-play between the United States,
and the regional and other interested powers. The fact that Sri
Lanka signed a Defence cooperation treaty (on matters of military
training etc.,) with Russia last week also goes to confirm this
position that regional powers -- and powers that wish to defy the
US -- are getting into the act very fast.
If
the President is "sidling upto India'' and if US/Norway is
seen as being sidelined, that of course alters matters for the LTTE.
The LTTE, to put it quite matter-of-factly, has been voicing increasing
impatience over the Sri Lankan political standoff that's preventing
the continuation of peace talks. The official LTTE position is "we
are ready to talk any time but the Sri Lankan side cannot get its
act together." They have added muscle to this position by saying
there is a possibility of a return to war under the circumstances.
But,
in reality, the Tigers are making maximum out of the situation.
That the Sri Lankan side cannot "get its act together'' is
for the Tigers a good enough reason to get the international community
to recognise that its cause is "legitimate.'' Their refrain
to the international community in the past month or so has been
"we cannot work with the indecisive ineffectual Sri Lankan
side - so let us govern our own affairs.'' The modus operandi now
is to talk to international governments, and obtain aid for development
direct from donor governments through the NGO pipeline.
But
in the meantime the LTTE is playing its cards very right. The LTTE
political wing leader Tamilchelvam very clearly stated before he
emplaned for Oslo last week that it was willing to talk to any government
with a clear mandate in the South. Though this goes against Anton
Balasingham's assertion that "there will be war if the JVP-SLFP
alliance comes to power because we will not talk to them,'' it now
appears this was only a case of Balasingham shooting his mouth off.
As
Thamilchelvam has reiterated several times after that, the LTTE
is willing to talk to any Southern government with a clear mandate.
This can also be stretched to mean one thing. As it is now well
known, and as the Asia Times article confirms, Kumaratunga has been
sidling upto the Indians. Meaning that Kumaratunga has Indian backing,
to put it quite plainly. Now, the Tigers have been unsuccessfully
trying to mend fences with India for the last several years, after
the Rajiv Gandhi assassination without success.
So,
talking to Kumaratunga may be one way, under the current circumstances,
of the Tigers getting closer to India. All this leaves the UNF government
thoroughly left out of everything. Not only is Kumaratunga calling
the shots in the South, she is also beginning to look like the looming
factor in the Northern equation also. Peace and good relations with
the Tigers were two things the UNF government almost took for granted.
Not anymore, it is clear, with the Tigers saying 'we will play ball
with any government' (..and might we add, an Indian backed government?)
The
UNF took the Tigers so much for granted, that high ranking UNF Ministers
told this writer personally, in the presence of several noteworthy
others the day after the President took over the three Ministries
on 4/11 that "the LTTE will close the A9 road tomorrow.'' The
UNF, now it is clear, was of the opinion that the Tigers on their
own accord, or with some subtle pressure, will take some crucial
steps to indicate their displeasure at Kumaratunga's conduct, by
closing the A9 road etc., But the UNF pressure did not work with
the Tigers. The LTTE took up the explicit position ''we are not
going to take sides in Southern politics.''
Now,
it is true, the Indians are also worried that the LTTE will win
a substantial number of seats in parliament if there is an election.
This is why the Indians are very clear with Kumaratunga that she
should stave off an election. But, no matter how many seats the
Tigers win, that does not mean that the LTTE will automatically
support the UNF, or that the UNF can take the LTTE support for granted.
This
is worrying the UNF government, and there are increasing efforts
to cut some sort of deal with the Tigers, or at least arrive at
some understanding. Last week, just for example, some young men
including a lawyer from Minister G. L. Peiris’ office contacted
the LTTE, with a view to visiting Kilinochchi to meet some of the
top LTTE leaders.
What
the lady will do in the meantime is of course not known. Whatever
India might say or the West might say, she might call for a general
election. As any fool will be able to tell you that's what the JVP
and a lot of the rank and file in her party wants. Provincial Council
elections anyway are a certainty, and the UNF government is "opening
the pork barrel'' with an eye on the polls. There are tax cuts,
and the Treasury is being almost forced to loosen up, with S.B.
Dissanayake saying "I told you so.'' But on the other hand,
a wave of strikes is bothering the UNF. No prizes for guessing who
is behind those…
CBK
overrules Anura and Mahinda from race
By Harinda Ranura Vidanage
Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga had to be the mediator to settle
a dispute that shook the SLFP base violently. The cold war between
Anura Bandaranike and Mahinda Rajapakse transformed itself into
a pretty hot one last week parallel to the naming of office bearers
of the new alliance. Both heavyweights were called into a closed
door meeting at President's House at mid- noon last Friday.
Anura
was coming to the meeting full of confidentce and buoyed by the
support he gained from the previous day's public rally held at Town
Hall. Mr. Rajapakse normally a cool customer when entering the Presidents
house was in a tense mood. He knew the new alliance and the rise
of Anura in the SLFP had the Rajapakses under siege in politics.
As
Chandrika Kumaratunga asked Anura Bandaranike what he wanted to
be in the new alliance he responded strongly trying to establish
a favourable position to take on his opponent. "When I crossed
over from the UNP you offered me the position of Foreign Minister",
"But I told you in case if we were to be defeated I should
be appointed opposition leader"
"But
you appointed Ratnasiri Wickramanayake as opposition leader I did
not object, afterwards you appointed Mr. Rajapakse as opposition
leader I did not object" "But for the alliance to be conceived
I played a major role and I want to be the National organizer."
Turning
to Mr. Rajapakse President Kumaratunga questioned "OK Mahinda
what is your position?", " I want to be the secretary
of the new alliance said he," Anura Bandaranaike virtually
jumped from his seat hearing this but he looked on at Mr. Rajapakse
in awe as he kept going. "I can be the balancing factor in
this alliance and if you do not offer this it would be a disgrace
to me, said Rajapakse"
This
made Anura snap "This is a farce he said, you don't trust the
JVP and the JVP does not trust you, how can you hold such a crucial
position in such a situation?" Without
letting Mr. Rajapakse respond President Kumaratunga tried to settle
it by offering different alternatives but the talks failed. After
the two left Chandrika Kumaratunga tried to break this internal
deadlock by talking to Maithripala Sirisena.
Kumaratunga
told him "I will not make both of them secretary to the new
alliance, if I offer it to Anura it is better to offer it to the
JVP and if offered to Mahinda it is the end of the alliance".
Maithripala Sirisena could only nominate Mangala Samaraweera as
the best candidate for the post of secretary of the alliance. But
Samaraweera still declines to be an office bearer of the alliance.
These
disputes have delayed the naming of the office bearers to the new
alliance indefinitely. Without office bearers the alliance cannot
be cruising on full throttle. The lack of coordination has already
cost them dearly. This was demonstrated at the recent public rally
held last Thursday. Red flags outnumbered the blues ten to one,
reds came with a full backup crowd who cheered their own but gave
disciplined rounds of applause to the blue team with the exception
of Yellow clad Anura Bandaranaike. As the JVP successfully pasted
all the posters on the rally SLFP camp didn't even come to collect
them. This led to an outburst by President Kumaratunga to Mangala
Samaraweera who was in charge of the propaganda machinery.
The
UNF government launched a vociferous campaign to question the return
of Somawansa Amerasinghe who they claimed was a fugitive on the
run. The JVP leader has been assigned the best security the JVP
structure has. Even the top SLFP politicos were amazed to see Mr.
Amerasinghe being escorted into town hall by a semi Para military
type special unit. He has said that he will remain in the country
till the general elections are over.
JVP
leader Amerasinghe is provided with this special security where
ever he travels, this has intensified last week as he started talking
to all district and provincial leaders of the JVP. The politburo
member from the Wijeweera era switches vehicles daily to scramble
his tracks and very few JVP leaders know where he is residing at
the moment.
While
all this is happening the state is being brought to a virtual halt
by strikes called by trade unions in the state sector. Last two
weeks saw an avalanche of strikes in the country. But as people
thought this was to destabilize the government the critical mission
objective was to force President Kumaratunga to dissolve parliament.
As Wimal Weerawansa kept on saying that they should first take care
and straighten the "Mudun Kotha" of politics in Sri Lanka,
this methodology has become the most preferred option.
President
Kumaratunga is facing tremendous pressure from the international
community to refrain from going to a general election. Both USA
and Japan has acknowledged India to be the primary pressure source.
Apart from Sunethra Bandaranaike telling the "Kapuwa Kapothi"
story to Nimal Siripala at the lawn of Nirupan Sen's house, the
India message gathered from all the top Indian diplomats are, India
is unhappy with the chaotic political situation in the country,
they do not mind the SLFP-JVP alliance as a balancing factor in
local politics but are concerned about its transformation into a
substitute government.
But
the pro general election camp is looking for 6 February as the Indian
Lok Sabha dissolves the Indian legislature the outlook would soften
and they can easly take advantage of president Kumaratunga. But
is the time right or ripe for general elections and for the sake
of the alliance to face it and move the ship off the port with a
capable crew and then sail to face the rough winds ahead. |