C'wealth
left with egg on its face
When the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) meets in New
York this week on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly sessions,
there will surely be some red faces.
The
change of colour might not show on some faces given the composition
of the ministerial group but that will not hide the emotions of
embarrassment and anger among some ministers and Commonwealth officials.
On
the agenda of the CMAG meeting is the issue of Pakistan which was
readmitted to the Commonwealth last May after its membership was
suspended when Army Chief, General Pervez Musharraf grabbed power
in a bloodless coup almost five years ago.
Though
readmitted, Pakistan was to remain on the CMAG agenda so that the
foreign ministers could periodically monitor the country's progress
towards genuine democracy.
The
October 2002 general elections, the revival of an elected parliament
(though some call it perverse) and the formation of federal and
provincial governments were viewed by CMAG as signs that General
Musharraf was on the road to democracy.
But
there was high expectation that the good general, who, by now had
added the title of president to his be-medalled tunic, would relinquish
his military post as chief of army staff by the end of December
this year.
That
would have created the appearance, if it did not prove the reality,
of the civilian control of government returning to Pakistan. But
what do we find now. Just days before CMAG was to assess the progress
made toward firming up democracy in Pakistan since last May, President
General Musharraf says that, after all, he would like to keep both
his posts.
"The
president has decided to keep both offices, of the president and
the army chief, beyond December 31," Information Minister Sheikh
Rashid Ahmed announced.
Ewen
MacAskill, Diplomatic Editor of The Guardian writes: 'Asked why
the decision to step down announced last December, has been reversed,
Sheikh Ahmed said: "The situation has changed."'
Sri
Lanka was a member of the CMAG that supported the lifting of the
suspension that was confirmed by Commonwealth leaders at their summit
in South Africa in 1999 and later reaffirmed by them in Nigeria.
But
that is not the reason for Sri Lanka's embarrassment. For the first
time Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar will be face to face with
Commonwealth Secretary-General Don McKinnon after his ill-advised
and ill-conceived foray into international politics when he tried
to oust McKinnon from his post and was badly beaten.
Kadirgamar
did not attend the CMAG meeting in May that saw Pakistan's restitution
as a Commonwealth member and was spared the blushes then. But those
personal embarrassments are only a minor sub-plot in a bigger drama
that is being played out beyond the confines of the Commonwealth.
That
it what makes it most embarrassing for the secretary-general and
the Commonwealth secretariat, whatever its officials and apologists
have said and will continue to say, perhaps with greater vehemence
now, to hide what must surely be a blow to Pakistani democracy-or
what there is of it.
The
Pakistani announcement on President Musharraf's change of heart
or mind did not come as any surprise. Just a day before Information
Minister Ahmed got into the act, Pakistan's High Commissioner in
London Dr Maleeha Lodhi seemed to give a hint of what seemed to
be the thinking in those exalted circles in Islamabad.
Speaking
to the UK branch of the Commonwealth Journalists' Association, Lodhi
underlined the fact that Pakistan did not have to justify its actions
to anybody.
The
only explanation due was "to the people of Pakistan.”
In a wide-ranging speech, she said that actions are "determined
by domestic dynamics" and so Pakistan did not have to give
explanations of its behaviour to "the international community."
Questioned
about President Musharraf's pledge to relinquish his army post,
the High Commissioner said, "no undertaking has been given
to anybody. We only give undertakings to the people of Pakistan."
"I cannot second guess him," Lodhi said, adding that President
Musharraf's decision on democratisation is irrevocable.
One
thing is now certain. General Musharraf is only sending his military
uniform to the cleaners not to the attic of discarded things. Only
time will tell how long he will continue to have one leg in the
civilian administration and one leg in the military.
But
right now the Commonwealth, particularly CMAG, does not have a leg
to stand on. On re-admitting Islamabad last May, CMAG praised Pakistan's
progress in restoring democracy but noted "continuing concern
in regard to the strengthening of the democratic process."
If
Musharraf is going to continue playing a dual role, the military
will remain a dominant player in the governance of the country when
the military should be under civilian control as in any functioning
democracy.
The
military's role in politics has now been sanctified through the
National Security Council (NSC) though some would try to minimise
its real power and importance by calling it an advisory body. What
matters is not the nomenclature but its composition as it will "advise"
the government on security matters, crisis management and other
issues of "national interest", a description that hides
all sins.
By
the way, the NSC is headed by President Musharraf. Shortly after
the suspension was lifted, former Commonwealth Secretary-General,
Chief Emeka Anyaoku publicly took exception to the Commonwealth
decision.
He
argued that though Pakistan had made progress on the path to restoring
democratic government, such developments could not be regarded as
complete to warrant readmission until the president and executive
head of state became an elected civilian politician. It was only
then that Pakistan deserved to be permitted to rejoin the councils
of the Commonwealth.
As
a further embarrassment to the Commonwealth, the Human Rights Commission
of Pakistan (HRCP) has criticised the London-based organisation's
decision in a report titled "State of Democracy in Pakistan",
released this month.
Stating
that the repression of fundamental freedoms and human rights continue
in Pakistan, HRCP argues that "power transfer from the military
to the civil administration is a must to restore democracy, but
the constitution has been amended to institutionalise the military's
role."
HRCP
says that the Commonwealth's decision was misguided, politically
motivated and undermined its credibility. What was this political
motivation? It was the diplomatic pressure exerted by the UK and
Australia on behalf of the US and themselves to legitimise President
Musharraf because he is pivotal in their so-called war on terrorism.
In
the 1980s the US and the West used Pakistan as a conduit for sending
arms and funds and to provide logistical support to the Taliban
and the Afghan resistance in the war against Soviet occupation.
Having created the monsters Washington needs Pakistan's support
once more but this time to slay its creation.
What
the US wants it gets, even from the Commonwealth. But it is the
Commonwealth that is left with egg on its face.
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