Political Column

Political Column

Crisis after crisis for CBK
By Our Political Editor
It was like a scene from a colourful movie. The setting was the Janadipathi Mandiraya, a stately mansion steeped in colonial history.

Oil-on-canvas paintings of the old colonial Governors, in colourful regalia straddling their thrones hanging on the walls add grandeur. They also serve as a reminder of how powerful a centre of power these portals had remained over the decades. Many a chapter in Sri Lanka's pre and post independent history has come from within the high walls of this palace.

Last Sunday, a new chapter in this new millennium took shape. Two of the world's most powerful men, former US President George Bush and his successor Bill Clinton, were there. Their two-day visit, paradoxical enough, was caused by nature's fury. Like the history the devastating damage and destruction the tsunami catastrophe caused, ex Presidents Bush and Clinton, by their presence together added a brighter chapter. They had come here to jointly find out what more the United States could do for little Sri Lanka.

Bush was the first to arrive at Janadipathi Mandiraya for the dinner. With her charm oozing, President Kumaratunga took delight in introducing her guests. In the case of some, they were prefaced with a brief introductory remark. When it came to the bearded Douglas Devananda, the leader of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP), a partner in the Government, she said he is a northern MP. She added quickly that he was supporting her government and was not from the LTTE.

JVP firebrand Wimal Weerawansa's turn arrived. She said he was from the leftist party supporting her Government. Cameraman tried hard to frame a shot of the JVP Propaganda Secretary shaking hands with President Bush. He is no rabbit in politics to be dazzled by the flashlights of a cameraman and avoided it dexterously. Media Minister, Mangala Samaraweera, who was watching the drama from a distance was to walk up to a Presidential cameraman and ask "Wimalge Pinthurayak gatthada (Did you take a photograph of Wimal)" only to be told he could not.

By then, President Bill Clinton had arrived. He sported his cherubic smile as he embarked on a bout of flesh pressing with the guests. Here again, they were introduced by President Kumaratunga. It came to her brother and Tourism Minister Anura Bandaranaike's turn. He had brought along with him a copy of Clinton's book My Life. He got the much-loved former US President to place his autograph on it.

When it was time to sit down to dinner, it seemed as if the country's two top most leaders had made their own choice. Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was seated next to George Bush was in animated conversation. It seemed appropriate he was now talking to the father after having visited the White House in November 2003 for a meeting with the son, President George W. Bush. President Kumaratunga chose to sit with President Clinton and was deeply engrossed in a conversation.

The dinner itself assumed a fairy tale atmosphere. Service was not from waiters in black bow, tie and white coats. It was from damsels dressed in cloth and jacket. Many an item served to guests was placed on betel leaves. It meant much more than a little local touch. The betel leaf, used on many a ceremonial occasion, was also the symbol of power, the symbol of the United People's Freedom Alliance or the Sandhanaya.

Our Defence Correspondent deals on the opposite page with the talks that preceded the dinner on the upper floor of the Janadipathi Mandiraya. The next day, Monday Presidents Bush and Clinton flew to Matara to see for themselves how post-tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts were under way. Then they flew to neighbouring Maldives thus bringing the curtain down on their tour of tsunami-affected countries.

The fact that the two former US Presidents chose to, like many of the other visiting dignitaries, to visit the South did raise some eyebrows. It was then US Secretary of State, Colin Powell who remarked in Indonesia's Aceh province that the US relief efforts there demonstrated a reality. It was the fact that the US war on terror was not against Islam. Assistance to the predominantly Muslim Aceh province proved this point. But when Mr. Powell visited Sri Lanka, however, his itinerary did not encompass Ampara, the worst hit district which has a Muslim component very much higher than those areas in the south. Nor did Deputy Defence Secretary, Paul Wolfowitz when he visited Sri Lanka. And now, Presidents Bush and Clinton had also chosen only the south, an area that is more saturated with relief and reconstruction efforts than most parts of the east.

If the auspicious betel leaf was used to serve food at President Kumaratunga's banquet for President Bush, Clinton and the distinguished guests, just three days after the event, the same betel leaf was in crisis. This was the betel leaf, the symbol that unified the SLFP and the JVP. What seemed an innocuous event now threatens to tear this betel leaf and thus the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) apart.

It began last Wednesday when an official statement was put out under the name of S.D. Piyadasa, Director of the Government Information Department. It was to mark the third anniversary of the Ceasefire Agreement and it said:

"Today, 23rd February 2005, marks the third anniversary of the entry into force of the Ceasefire between the GOSL and the LTTE. "While expressing satisfaction that the continued absence of full scale conflict has saved many valuable lives and prevented widespread destruction, the GOSL regrets that despite all its efforts, a positive atmosphere for negotiating a lasting solution has still not been created.

"For its part, the GOSL re-iterates its strong commitment towards the implementation of the CFA in letter and spirit. It continues to be ready to reopen direct negotiations with the LTTE on the establishment of an interim authority to meet the urgent humanitarian and development needs of the people of the North and East and to proceed thereafter to negotiating a final settlement of the ethnic conflict.

"The Government hopes that all concerned will co-operate to remove the scourge of conflict and political violence from our country enabling all Sri Lankans to live together in peace and harmony." The statement on Wednesday coincided with a meeting of the JVP Central Committee fixed for that morning at the party headquarters in Nugegoda. Even the party leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe had returned from London on Tuesday to take part in the meeting. Under normal circumstances the meeting, which reviews the political situation, would have ended by lunchtime.

But the statement had changed the course of events. The meeting which began at 9 am continued till 11 pm in the night. JVPers had done their home work by then. Some of the speakers said the statement put out by the Government Information Department under the name of its Director, S.D. Piyadasa, was in fact one that had been formulated by Jayantha Dhanapala, Secretary General of the Government Peace Secretariat. A Peace Secretariat media officer had sent it to Ali Hassen, Assistant Director of Information asking that it be released to the media. Hassen in turn had obtained the approval of S. Ganegala, Secretary to the Ministry of Media, and released it thereafter as an official press release.

When speakers began raising issue that Dhanapala, who is only a Government official, had made a policy statement for and on behalf of the UPFA, Somawansa Amerasinghe intervened. He said the JVP should first check on the veracity of the statement and whether it had in fact been originated by Dhanapala. It was agreed to do so during the lunch break.

When the meeting resumed after lunch, more speakers began heaping criticism over Dhanapala and the Government leaders. The Sunday Times learnt that the government's official statement came after a meeting Dhanapala held with President Kumaratunga last Tuesday. Also taking part in the discussion was Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, Presidential Advisor Ram Manikkalingam and other officials. It was Dhanapala who had suggested that the Government should make a "positive" statement on the occasion of the third anniversary of the ceasefire. That was how the statement came to be issued.

This is not the first occasion that Dhanapala earned the ire of the JVP. The first was when he gave an interview to the Jaffna-based Uthayan Tamil newspaper where he made statements that amounted to declaration of Government policy.

This time after a newspaper report had billed the Government statement as a shift in Government policy, on Wednesday Dhanapala went on a private TV channel to contradict it. He claimed there had been no shift in Government policy.

But the post-lunch session of the JVP Central Committee saw more angry responses. Speakers complained that President Kumaratunga should have had the courtesy to consult the JVP before allowing Dhanapala to persuade the Information Department to issue a press release. One speaker said even Mr. Kadirgamar had not known about the issue of a statement since he had left the meeting mid way due to ill health. Ministers Mangala Samaraweera, Anura Bandaranaike and even Susil Premajayantha were unaware, said another.

The Central Committee decided that Mr. Weerawansa should make a statement in Parliament. That was to make clear that the JVP would not remain in the UPFA Government if it opens negotiations with the LTTE on the establishment of an interim authority and proceeded thereafter to discussing a negotiated settlement. Later, Weerawansa was joined by General Secretary Tilvin Silva and UPFA Chairman Nandana Gunatilleke at a news conference. If Weerawansa breathed fire and brimstone, remarks at the news conference were just the opposite. It was a muted and a tame affair.

A rejoineder from the Government came in the form of a statement by the leader of the Deputy Ministers' Forum, Dilan Perera. He said the statement spoke of only an "interim authority" and not about an Interim Self Governing Authority.

The fact that the government has continued to offer the LTTE an interim authority instead of an ISGA all along seems to have been lost on Mr. Perera. It was only on the previous day he was one of the participants at an NGO seminar held at a Bentota hotel where they highlighted the urgent need to resume peace talks.

Even if the JVP differed from the LTTE in many ways, there seemed a common factor between the two. Both seem to have perfected the art of political sabre rattling to a finesse. If the JVP had begun warning the Government that it would leave, the LTTE has also been sending very strong messages that it cannot wait forever.

In the backdrop of the killing of the Ampara-Batticaloa Political Wing leader, Kaushalyan, the LTTE has been emphatic in sending a warning to the Government. Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan told visiting Norwegian Special Envoy Erik Solheim that the Government should dismantle paramilitary groups or face serious repercussions. They are also awaiting a Government response, through the Norwegians, to the proposed joint mechanism for the equitable distribution of relief aid to guerrilla held areas. Solheim is now awaiting the Government's response.

The statement issued by the Presidential Secretariat on Friday, after President Kumratunga's talks with Solheim said the former "re-iterated the sincere commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka to establish a working arrangement with the LTTE for the equitable allocation and implementation of post-tsunami aid."

In other words the Government is now speaking only of a "working arrangement" and not a "joint mechanism." A working arrangement, which may not be publicised, may simply mean handing down some aid to the LTTE under mutually agreed conditions.In the meantime, another more junior partner of the UPFA, the Ceylon Workers Congress also began sabre rattling this week.

Its leader, Arumugam Thondaman, handed over to Prime Minister, Mahinda Rajapaksa, a memorandum informing him of their decision to quit the Government. The Premier had refused to accept it and had made clear it should be handed over to President Kumaratunga. A meeting with her is now fixed for tomorrow.

Rajapakse earlier in the day had tried to establish contact with Thondaman following information that they were planning to quit. He had not been successful and instead been able to contact Minister Muttu Sivalingam. He called Sivalingam to his office in the Parliament complex.

Mr. Sivalingam said that one of the reasons for their decision to quit was because the Police had acted partially following a dispute about the deputy chairman of the Talawakele Urban Council L. Bharathidasan (Upcountry People's Front) declaring open a playground. He claimed the Police had acted against the CWC members.

Prime Minister Rajapakse had immediately contacted Public Security Minister Rathnasiri Wickremananyake and put Sivalingam online to resolve the dispute. The CWC member explained to the minister the problems with the police and about their decision to resign. Wickremanayake in turn had told the CWC member that he had his blessings to quit.

Sivalingam, disturbed by the reaction of the minister, told the Prime Minister that they would not make a change in their decision. Rajapakse to appease the CWC had summoned IGP Chandra Fernando who was already in Parliament to attend a Select Committee meeting and discussed the developments in Talawakele.

It was then that Thondaman called over at Rajapakse's office. He also complained about the police in Thalawakele. Rajapakse made contact with President Kumaratunga and put Thondaman online and he was making the same complaint.

Eventually the CWC members left the room saying they would not change their position. All in all, the coming weeks will be crucial in political terms. The LTTE wants an interim mechanism immediately to continue re-construction and rehabilitation work. The JVP (see box story) says it will quit the Government if this is granted. And now a CWC has sounded a warning. After the tsunami, it is crisis time again for President Kumaratunga.

More fire from Wimal
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) will not be a party to confer sovereignty to the LTTE. If there is any such move we will not be a party to the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA), Wimal Weerawansa, Parliamentary Group leader and Propaganda Secretary told The Sunday Times.

He was commenting on his statement in Parliament over an official Government statement which offered to reopen direct negotiations with the LTTE on the establishment of an interim authority and thereafter negotiate a final settlement of the ethnic conflict.

Mr. Weerawansa said if the Government wanted to change its position, it should have discussed it with its constituent partners. "How could a policy change be carried out by the Peace Secretariat simply sending a press release to the Government Information Department? We have not agreed to such a thing.

"This shows that some powerful forces are dragging the Government to appease the LTTE. We are not in favour of such a move. We objected to Ranil Wickremesinghe granting concessions. It is not only the LTTE that is separatist. There are also international groups backing it.

"We like to talk peace. We are for humanitarian relief. We are opposed to conceding sovereignty to the LTTE. The JVP will not accept it. If the Government makes the mistake, we will not wait."
Weerawansa also answered other questions posed to him. Here are excerpts:

On whether the government leaders were told of the JVP's decision:
We did that without talking to them. They did not tell us they were going to issue that statement. We don't have to discuss it with them. We are not tied to them. We are only committed to the people.

On reported statements by President Kumaratunga asking the JVP to leave:
Reports that there have been such statements in writing are false. There is no truth in them.

President Kumaratunga only sent our General Secretary Tilvin Silva a letter together with the copy of a news release her Secretariat issued. In that she had made clear that she did not make any reference to the JVP when she said those who wanted to leave the Government could go. I have not received any letter from the President.

On a proposed joint mechanism between the Government and LTTE:
We believe the LTTE is an armed group fighting for separation. It does not believe in democratic ideals. If such a joint mechanism is given to it, the LTTE will receive sovereign status. Such measures should not be granted. The money the Government gets should be spent by the Government itself. The Government cannot treat the LTTE as an equal partner. Neither the Government nor do we have a mandate for this. All development work should be done by the Government. We will not agree at all to this.

On LTTE's acquisition of air capability:
They have achieved that during the past three years of the ceasefire. Those who gloat over the three-year ceasefire should also see these developments.

Local leaders have no time to focus on these matters or to take any remedial action. This is a problem which the Government of India too should think very carefully. India has very capable and knowledgeable expertise to address this issue. It was the LTTE which murdered Rajiv Gandhi. Now with new air capability, they can pose a bigger threat. Unfortunately our leaders do not appreciate the dangers posed by this situation.

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