Why are we fighting for Haiti?
Further delays in Govt. - LTTE joint mechanism?
It was three hours to dawn when Sri Lankan Airlines flight UL 546 from Zurich touched down at the Bandaranaike International Airport last Monday.

An official of the Peace Secretariat, a Norwegian diplomat and armed guards were waiting for a Business Class passenger to disembark. The red carpet and the Kandyan dancers were, however, not there. When he did set foot on the tarmac and came into the terminal building, they guided him through arrival formalities. Though it was not a VIP welcome sans all checks, officials were on hand to watch him clear Immigration and Customs formalities. With that over, armed Air Force men who were responsible for his security inside the airport handed the visitor to Army commandos.

He was a former constable in the Sri Lanka Police, Balasingham Nadesan. He is now the "Police Chief" of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The man who is in touch with LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran almost every day, heads a LTTE "Police" over 600 strong. It was only last week 90 more recruits passed out as "policemen" at a ceremony in Mankulam. Known to be very media friendly, Mr. Nadesan had cut short a world tour by a LTTE delegation and was returning to Wanni.

This delegation was led by LTTE Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan. Not even the Sri Lanka Government dignitaries had undertaken such a world tour in recent years encompassing that many countries. The LTTE had covered Ireland, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Finland, Sweden and Austria.

Even before he boarded a flight from Zurich, the LTTE had made a request to the Government, through the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo for a helicopter. This was to travel from the airport to Kilinochchi. The Peace Secretariat forwarded the request to the Ministry of Defence. The latter had turned it down on the grounds that he was not entitled to one. The Ministry policy, it has been explained, was to allow such helicopter flights only to political and military wing leaders of the LTTE. This is despite an MoD bureaucrat clamping down a ban on Air Force flights over guerrilla controlled areas - a decision that was later over-ruled by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.

The MoD, however, offered armed escort for Mr. Nadesan to travel from Colombo to Vavuniya, up to the Omanthai Army check-point. A team of heavily armed commandos were ready to move him soon after Air Force guards handed Mr Nadesan over to them at the airport. But there was a hitch. The commandos were kicking their heels for Mr. Nadesan was not ready to move out.

It turned out that he had too much baggage when he checked in at Zurich airport. Hence he had asked a known fellow passenger in the same flight to hand carry a package for him. The package had contained cholesterol-free and sugar-free Swiss chocolates.

The passenger had agreed. When Mr. Nadesan arrived, he had seen the passenger waiting to clear his baggage from the belt driven conveyor. He was not to be seen thereafter. After some 45 minutes of waiting, the commando escorts were worried. They told Mr. Nadesan they could not wait any longer and thus jeopardise his security. So he decided to move out without the Swiss chocolates.

But Mr. Nadesan had more important cargo he could not part with. That was the draft text of the Joint Mechanism the LTTE is to sign with the UPFA Government. This draft had been delivered to Mr. Thamilselvan by the Norwegian Embassy in Vienna. That day the same text was handed over in Colombo to the acting Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat, John Gunaratne.

In Vienna, the text became the subject of study by the LTTE delegation. Displeased by some of the contents, it was their view that the Government had gone back on some of the matters earlier agreed. Hence they felt it was not acceptable. But the delegation did not want to formally reject it from foreign soil. Hence they took up the official position that a response would come after their return to the Wanni. Ahead of that move, Mr. Nadesan was travelling with the draft to consult Mr. Prabhakaran.

With peace talks stalled, the Norwegian peace facilitators have focused on establishing the Joint Mechanism to build a bridge between the Government and the LTTE. Such a move, they felt, would come as a good precursor to the resumption of peace talks. For the Government, it would have been salutary to persuade the donor co-chairs to loosen up their purse strings and provide aid. To the LTTE, such a mechanism would have not only resulted in a flood of money for post-tsunami recovery efforts, but seen the birth of some infrastructure for development activity. Even if that was not in the form of an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), the Joint Mechanism still provided a via media.

In the recent weeks, a deal to conclude an agreement for the setting up of the Joint Mechanism was so close. So much so, Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar confidently told some diplomatic colleagues in Colombo it could be wrapped up in a week. But the process, it is now clear, is so close but yet so far. Some of the thorny issues have become thornier. If the Government has played cautious in the wording of the text in order not to confer any "legitimacy" on the LTTE, the guerrillas have been emphatic on some of the key issues. One such case is the establishment of a buffer zone where the Government and the LTTE views are at odds.

In this backdrop, the growing need to forge unity within the UPFA ranks may see a possible slowing down of the process to establish a Joint Mechanism. According to one Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) source, President Kumaratunga is determined not to allow opposition parties to exploit the fissures within the constituent parties of the UPFA.

This, no doubt, is influenced by a number of factors including the upcoming Presidential elections. Towards this end, she has made clear she will consult them on contentious issues. This has seen a thaw in relations. Taking a cue from this, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader Somawansa Amerasinghe has already declared that his party would not quit the UPFA and thus cause delight to the opposition United National Party. Despite bouts of anger from President Kumaratunga, this is how the JVP has won the day on two contentious issues - the restructuring of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the inclusion of India's Bharat Petroleum as the third player with the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). At present the Indian Oil Corporation is already holding a third of the CPC's fuel distribution points. Our Political Editor deals with these aspects on the opposite page.

These developments naturally turn the focus on the LTTE leadership in the Wanni. Almost four months after the Boxing Day tsunami catastrophe, will their prolonged inability to reach accord with the Government on a Joint Mechanism draw a hostile response? Or will the LTTE leadership choose to continue the protracted dialogue through Norwegian facilitators until they reach accord?

One of the main thrusts of the world tour by the Thamilselvan delegation, besides raising funds, has been to point out what the LTTE calls the Government's intransigence to share equitably the aid received for tsunami recovery. Thus they perceive they have set the mood right in the international community. The decision now rests with Mr. Prabhakaran.

A hostile response, perhaps more political than military, the LTTE knows, can lever results. The latest instance is how the killing of Ilayathamby Lingarajah alias Kaushalyan, the LTTE Political Wing leader for Batticaloa-Ampara jolted the Government into appointing a Presidential Commission of Inquiry. It came in the backdrop of hectic diplomatic activity where Norway's Special Envoy, Erik Solheim averted a crisis. This saw the birth of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry.

Here is another instance that explains why Tiger guerrilla leader Mr. Prabhakarn has been strengthening his military machine during the ceasefire. Even if there was no immediate need for war, such a move correspondingly increased his bargaining power in the peace process. It began with enhanced recruitment of cadres, induction of more sophisticated military hardware and now the acquisition of air capability. Developments relating to the latter have been exclusively revealed in The Sunday Times over the weeks.

In some opposition political quarters, such revelations have caused considerable confusion. Sections of the United National Party (UNP) believed that the LTTE has had an "air force" (as revealed by the media including The Sunday Times since 1993) and therefore had an air capability since then. Hence, they contend, this was not a development that had taken place during the ceasefire.

The fact that the LTTE had a so called "air force" since the early 1990s is indisputable. The "assets" of such an "air force" only constituted some surface to air missiles and ultra light aircraft, ones that are used for sports purposes or amateur flying. Such micro lights could have taken off from a small patch of land like a school playground or a small road. In fact this acquisition did trigger some concern and led to precautionary measures in the South. However, it did not constitute a serious threat. This was in view of its limited endurance and low flying capability that made it easy to engage them even from the ground.

During the near two decades of war not one ultra light was engaged in any combat or attempted attack on any target. The fact that the LTTE possessed these elements did not in any way confer on the LTTE an air capability. Such an air capability was only acquired after the LTTE built a 1.2 kilometre runway and acquired two light aircraft. The United States Government has helped in the identification of one such aircraft.

As exclusively revealed in The Sunday Times (Situation Report) construction work on the new airstrip began only after the ceasefire came into effect during the tenure of the previous United National Front (UNF) Government. In fact metal meant for the paving of the Alpha (A-9) Nine highway was siphoned off for this construction work despite concerns expressed by Army top brass during this period.

The clearing of a jungle patch was confirmed in a "top secret" Air Force report parts of which were revealed in these columns last week. The report confirmed that the Air Force had rendered unusable a previously constructed runway. It was thereafter that a new clearing had been made and a new runway was built. However, such an airstrip was commissioned only after President Kumaratunga took over the defence portfolio (together with Interior and Mass Communication) from the former United National Front Government. It is even thereafter, during the tenure of the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) it came to light that the LTTE had acquired two light aircraft.

By the Sri Laka Air Force's own admission, the construction work was still under way on the runway when a UAV mission flew over the area on February 16, 2004. The report further confirms that on September 30, 2004, another UAV mission confirmed that the airstrip had been paved, threshold and centre line markings added. This was a period during the tenure of the UPFA Government.

If the United National Front (UNF) Government failed to take action to prevent the construction of the runway, the UPFA Government failed equally to prevent its completion and commissioning thereafter. In the case of the UPFA, the matter assumes greater significance since the defence portfolio was taken over on November 3, 2003 on grounds that national security was deteriorating.

The Government has meanwhile received acknowledgements from several foreign countries that were apprised of LTTE's acquisition of air capability. In their replies, whilst some acknowledged receipt of Government's documents including an aide memoire, others had expressed deep concern over the developments. The moves saw further Governmental action this week. However, for obvious reasons they cannot be spelt out.

The measures came as foreign intelligence agencies spoke of moves by LTTE's main procurement man, Kumaran Pathmanathan alias KP being present in a South East Asian country to procure air defence systems. He heads the so-called KP Department of the LTTE - the division that is tasked with military procurements for Tiger guerrillas. KP is said to operate under a number of passports and has under his charge a team to assist him.

As against these developments, the security establishment has been busy working its own counter measures. As revealed in these columns, a military committee tasked with formulating a strategic plan has addressed some of the threats they have been forced to cope with since the ceasefire. However, they are also caught up in policy issues.

When the previous UNF Government mooted the idea of sending troops on UN peace keeping assignments, it was the present UPFA leaders who did not favour the move. The UNF's efforts were based on the assumption that peace had arrived with the ceasefire and there would be no more war. But UPFA leaders contended it was a situation of no war and no peace.

Yet, President Kumaratunga signed a decree allowing Sri Lankan troops to take part in UN peace keeping operations. The arrangement, costing over a billion rupees to the Government, was finalised with the UN by the country's then Permanent representative, Bernard Gunatilleke.

The first contingent - a battalion from the Sri Lanka Light Infantry - moved to Haiti - a country half the size of Sri Lanka with a population of over eight million. They are part of a 7,400 strong UN force now fighting to quell a rebellion by former soldiers. Since June 2004, UN international peace-keeping force began deployment to the island nation, following months of civil unrest, floods and a list of humanitarian crises faced by the inhabitants. The United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (or its French acronym MINUSTAH), is working with the interim government. French and Creole are the official languages in that country.

The peacekeepers relieved the Multi National Interim Force Haiti (MIFH) made up of US Marines, Canadian and Chilean troops who enforced curfews and began to restore civil order after Prime Minister Jean-Bertrand Aristide was deposed.

Trouble for Sri Lankan troops began when they launched an operation to capture former Army de Haiti (FAdH) base at Petit Goave, 60 kilometres from the capital Port Au Prince. Days earlier, the former soldiers had attacked the neighbouring Grand Goave Police station and seized weapons. They had also attacked the Miragone Police Station located close to where the Sri Lankan troops are billeted.

Sri Lankan troops moved in to help Haitian National Police (HNP) and secured the area. This was to prevent FadH infiltration after they had instigated civilians to launch protests against Sri Lankan troops. At dawn on March 20 Sri Lankan troops conducted an operation on a FAdH base in Petit Goave. Lance Corporal H.M. Wijesinghe was killed. Three other soldiers - Sergeant K.T.J.S.L. Wijethilaka, Lance Corporal Udaya Kumara and Corporal M.G.A. Pemsiri - were injured.

The next day, Private R.P.C.S. Rajapakse was on duty at a sentry point on the sea coast at Killik near Petit Goave. His view was obstructed and he called for help from Corporal A.L. Seneviratne and Lance Corporal J.B.A.J. Jayasinghe to identify a suspicious movement at sea. The two soldiers entered an abandoned building to observe the boat movement. Just then the concrete structure collapsed. A pile of concrete fell on Corporal Jayasinghe's head and it took more than 30 minutes to rescue him. He died at the Argentina Level II hospital in Pap a day later. However, Corporal Seneviratne only sustained minor injures.

The funeral of Lance Corporal Wijesinghe took place with full military honours in Badulla yesterday. The funeral of Lance Corporal Jayasinghe will take place with full military honours in Beliatte today. They are the first two Sri Lankan soldiers to die for a cause that is not related to their country.

A battalion of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry was the first to go on a UN peace keeping assignment and will return to Sri Lanka next month. Following them to Haiti will be a battalion from the Sinha Regiment. They are to be followed by battalions from the Gemunu Watch, Gajaba and Wijeba regiments.

Contractual commitments have compelled the Army to honour their commitments for peace keeping in Haiti. However, they declined a request to send a contingent of peacekeeping troops to Sudan. Instead only a group of logistics officers will take part in this UN peace keeping effort.

Sri Lankan soldiers were trained at tremendous cost to contain a separatist insurgency in Sri Lanka. As senior security forces officials make strategic assessments, it is becoming increasingly clear that shortage of manpower to meet a contingency situation is a serious problem.

The only motivating factor for sending troops on UN peace keeping missions abroad is to earn foreign exchange. For this, already two soldiers have lost their lives and four have been injured. More of the crack units are being trained to be sent abroad for the same purpose.

This is whilst the LTTE has strengthened its military machine and continues to do so. If the lack of troops was to cause a threat to Sri Lanka's national security interests, endanger the lives of soldiers deployed to face such a threat and cause hardships to the public, those who were lured by the greed for foreign exchange will no doubt find it weighing heavily in their conscience. After all, here was a decision that came without proper study or even a Cabinet approval. Earning foreign exchange seems to outweigh national security interests. That is only in Sri Lanka

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