Need
for more trade between India and Sri Lanka
Lal Jayawardena was a man deeply committed to the goal of establishing
free trade for Sri Lanka. In one of the papers he wrote several
years ago, he made the point:
"In
the long run Sri Lanka has to be a very open economy with a minimal,
invisible government. I do not know if I would be far wrong if I
said that it should aim to emulate many big cities in the west.
After all, all these cities are economically speaking bigger than
Sri Lanka. Why then should Sri Lanka be any different?
Arguably
some countries are already following this model. In my view countries
such as UAE, Dubai, Mauritius, Singapore, and Hong Kong are already
following that model. They are all very open economies with simple
no-frills administrations, reasonable clean and efficient administrations.
Countries that will take advantage of the new global environment
will have to be run on the principles of the above-named big cities."
These
were the views he propounded to all governments and to all ministers.
I first met Lal when he became the Secretary to the Ministry of
Finance in 1977, in the Government of J. R. Jayawardene. Lal worked
with Ronnie de Mel, the then Minister of Finance to liberalise the
socialist economy of Sri Lanka. Sarath Amunugama was the Secretary
to the Ministry of Information. I used to meet Lal from time to
time as Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, as an Ambassador,
and as the Head of WIDER.
In
1989, one of my first tasks as the Minister of Industries was to
propose further economic liberalisation. At that time, Lal urged
for the model of a very open economy embodying the elements of truly
free trade, such as -- simple tax systems; limited government administration
that does not impose undue costs on private individuals and businesses;
government with balanced budgets and competing for business by providing
infrastructure and a good home for commercial investment.
In
1990, after I announced the Strategy for Industrialisation, Lal
met me and brought up the idea of a Free Trade Agreement with India.
The question I asked Lal was, how can you have such an agreement
when there is a mismatch between a liberalised economy and a non
liberalised economy. He was of the view that India would have to
undertake economic reforms within the next few years, and it was
best to prepare for such an eventuality.
In
1991, events moved fast. The late Mr Narasimha Rao became the Prime
Minister and economic reforms came to India overnight. Dr Manmohan
Singh and Mr Montague Aluwalia who were spearheading the reforms
process in India were known to Lal from his days at Cambridge. Lal
initiated the WIDER study of the Indo-Lanka free trade. The WIDER
report became the basis for the Indo-Lanka free trade discussion.
On our side, we roped in a few others like A. S. Jayawardena, Secretary
to my Ministry, who later became the Governor of the Central Bank,
and started working on the report. In 1992, I came to India and
started the preliminary discussions on the possibilities of a free
trade agreement.
As
Prime Minister in 1993, I travelled to India and raised the issue
again with Prime Minister Rao. Progress was slow. After the elections
in 1994, I went into the Opposition. President Kumaratunga made
Lal the Deputy Chairman of the National Development Council. This
gave Lal the opportunity to directly influence structural policy
changes. India had by then had five years of economic liberalisation.
The result was the Preferential Trade Agreement with India also
known as the Free Trade Agreement.
Although
this FTA was an important step, it was limited in scope. It covered
only trade in goods and excluded services, which now comprises the
largest and most dynamic sector in both of our economies and even
its coverage of trade in goods was rather limited. Both countries
included extensive negative lists. There were quotas limiting trade
in tea and garments. Trade was restricted to specified ports of
entry.
When
the UNP came into power in 2001, I visited India and discussed with
Prime Minister Vajpayee how to overcome the initial limitations
of the FTA. Our joint action to expand the initial agreement not
only increased trade between Sri Lanka and India, but also helped
to increase mutual confidence. The FTA also became a building block
for a more comprehensive economic integration.
Our
objective at all times has been a free movement of goods, material
and services between our two countries. The development of trade
between our two countries has now done a virtual cycle.
The
next step towards expanding trade between India and Sri Lanka was
moves towards entering into a Comprehensive Economic Partnership
Agreement (CEPA). In 2002, we agreed, in principle, to go in this
direction. After a mutual agreement was reached on how to proceed,
both countries established a Joint Study Group which began to meet
intensively. The Study Group Report on CEPA Framework Agreement
was completed and accepted by both Prime Ministers in October 2003.
The
CEPA aims to both broaden and deepen economic relations between
the two countries. The strategy is to expand the coverage of the
existing Indo-Sri Lankan FTA, and at the same time, reduce the barriers
to trade even further. The goal is to ensure that eventually, virtually
all trade in goods is duty free.
The
CEPA goes much further than the FTA; it would be truly comprehensive.
It would include trade in services, investment and other areas for
greater economic cooperation.
Lal
closely followed the progress in the CEPA and saw it as an important
next step following on from the existing FTA. As good neighbours,
our two countries have much to gain from reducing the barriers that
limit the free flow of goods and services. Even as both countries
are now engaged in using the CEPA Framework Agreement as the basis
for new formal agreements between Sri Lanka and India, we should
recognize that this is only just another step in an ongoing process.
Of
course, to reap the benefits of much closer trade ties between India
and Sri Lanka requires that we go beyond basic trade policy reforms,
and address trade facilitation impediments that restrict the movement
of goods and people. Keeping these barriers in place involve costs
that need not be incurred. For example, we need to look at ways
to better integrate our administrative and commercial legal systems,
better coordinate our health and safety standards, facilitate cross-border
commercial payments, and invest to reduce the costs of transportation.
And at the same time dispense with the costs of these restrictions.
Removing
barriers result in building bridges on many different levels. As
commercial barriers come down between our countries, businesses
find more productive and innovative ways to better employ the resources
in our region, building a foundation for higher rates of growth
for all of us.
We
need to become more ambitious in our thinking; to promote higher
growth through the economic integration of our countries by creating
a "Pearl River Delta" (like Hong Kong and the province
of Guangdong situated on the Pearl River Delta which is the largest
export manufacturing base in China) in the southern part of the
Indian sub continent. This could be achieved by linking India and
Sri Lanka with a land bridge, a railway, and highway system which
would connect ports of Colombo, Trincomalee and Chennai with Madurai
becoming a major manufacturing centre.
The
idea of building an actual physical bridge connecting India and
Sri Lanka is an idea that goes back - at least to the 1860s. The
notion of constructing an actual bridge is also an important symbolic
statement of the importance of the emerging economic, social and
political ties that define this increasingly important sub-region.
We have been linked by 3000 years of common culture, history and
similar political experience - it is inevitable that we face common
economic opportunities - that can be more effectively addressed
if done together, rather than separately.
Addressing
the M S Swaminathan Institute two years ago, on "Making our
People Rich", I said: "It is easy to imagine a major new
manufacturing area developing around Madurai and to the southern
districts of Ramanathapuram, Theni, Trichy, Tirunelveli and Kanniyakumari
-- an area which could eventually extend to Coimbatore and Bangalore.
There is a very real opportunity for this sub regional centre to
become an important global manufacturing base, on par with anything
that has been developed in China. This will create millions of jobs
in southern Tamil Nadu and make the whole area prosperous. Even
northern Sri Lanka will benefit from this rapid economic development.
Sri
Lanka's role in the sub-regional economy would tend more towards
the provision of services - not only the ports and airports, but
also by supplying financial, logistics and business development
services.
Both,
building the land bridge and the consequent economic activity specially
the global marketing base will provide employment to large numbers
of people and raise incomes substantially in South India as well
as in Sri Lanka. A win-win development that could change the economic
map of our region."
Over
five decades ago the newly independent India and Sri Lanka imposed
restrictions and controls on trade. This was one of the reasons
why we failed to make our people rich or reach international standards
of development. Today both countries are pursing a number of exciting
initiatives to meet new challenges by allowing our people to take
advantage of the complementary assets of this combined economic
region.
This
was a concept which excited Lal. A logical conclusion of the process
he started over a decade and a half ago. Indo-Lanka free trade was
one of Lal's most precious ideals. Making it happen would be the
best tribute we could pay this extraordinary personality. |