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| JM
still in a political jam On Thursday morning, they arrived at the Bandaranaike International Airport by a Qatar Airways flight from Paris. It was a special welcome for Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan and seven others even if they were required to go through formalities like other passengers. As they walked from the aircraft, down the ramp, a special Government of Sri Lanka vehicle drove them to a waiting area in the airport. An Immigration Official walked in there to stamp their passports. Two LTTE members later walked out to identify their baggage. Customs officers opened them for inspection and cleared them. Thamilselvan had six bags full. They included clothes, electronic goods and gift items. From the International Airport they were driven to the Airport Gardens Hotel, Norway's Special Envoy Erik Solheim and Ambassador Hans Brattskar were on hand to greet the VIP terrorists. They sat down for a 35-minute discussion that centred almost entirely on the proposed Joint Mechanism between the Government of Sri Lanka, and the LTTE to share equitably, the aid for tsunami recovery in the north and east. Later, Thamilselvan and four others - Revathi, Velupillai Kumara Pancharatnam, Muthucumaru Shavundrakrishnan and Perinpanayagam Sivaparan - were driven back to the airport area. This time they were to board a Government of Sri Lanka Air Force Bell 412 helicopter for a flight to Kilinochchi. On hand were a representative each of the Norwegian Embassy and the Government's Peace Secretariat. The other trio - S. Prabagaran alias Pulithevan, Somasunderam Logarajini and Kanthavanam Sivashankaran did not have the benefit of a chopper ride, they were forced to travel by road to Omanthai, the LTTE-Government 'border', escorted by Army commandos to cross a stretch of "no man's land" to guerrilla dominated territory. Thamilselvan naturally wanted to take all of his six bags in the helicopter. Officials wanted to oblige, but the pilot had a problem. That would be excess weight. They agreed on a compromise - only three bags would accompany the seven passengers. As the helicopter lifted off it began to wobble due to the uneven weight. The pilot had to make a quick landing. Seating arrangements were re adjusted and the bags were stored differently. Then they took off again. An hour later, the LTTE entourage arrived safely in Kilinochchi. One primary task for Thamilselvan, no doubt, would be to meet his leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran and brief him on the hottest political topic - the proposed Joint Mechansim. The JM, as it has now come to be known, seems as elusive as it had been, since it was mooted soon after the tsunami catastrophe. The question still remains whether Prabhakaran would be in a mood to say "yes" to it. Even if most of the final contours of the JM are in place, a few loose threads remained to be tied together. Those seemed the most difficult, if not the most volatile, aspects. Yet, Norway's Special Envoy Erik Solheim was brimming with confidence he would be able to wrap up the JM deal this week. A formal announcement may have come later. Even the international community threw its weight fully behind Norway's efforts. So much so, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga came under intense pressure from many diplomatic quarters to approve the JM ahead of the upcoming Paris Club aid meeting in Sri Lanka next month. That was before she left Colombo for a 'private' holiday in London and Paris. The point was driven home this week by Christina Rocca, the US Assistant Secretary of State. She told a two-member JVP delegation - Somawansa Amarasinghe, leader and Vijitha Herath, in charge of international affairs for the party - that she hoped the JM would become a reality. She said she believed such a move would signal the entry of the LTTE into the democratic process. Amarasinghe was quick to ask Rocca whether she could assure the LTTE would remain in the democratic process. It was Ambassador Jeff Lunstead who provided the answer pronto - no one could provide such a guarantee. Not surprised, Amarasinghe handed over to Rocca a JVP document listing out the dangers if a JM was brought into effect. Rocca who listened patiently to the JVP duo making their case assured that she would make a full study. The meeting came at the request of the JVP. If Rocca backed Solheim's peace diplomacy to conclude the JM deal, which appeared on the verge of fruition, the Norwegian special envoy was ebullient himself. A local media activist had arranged a briefing by Solheim for hand picked 'like minded' colleagues. Needless to say, those not 'like-minded' from the mainstream media were selectively left out. The 'briefing' took place at the Gregory's Road residence of Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar. A confident Solheim remarked that the JM was 99 per cent complete but asserted that his remarks should be treated as "off the record". In other words, the friendly media representatives who were present were being told the news only for their information, to be on the ready when an official announcement was made. After a mere one percent of the deal was wrapped up, there would be world news - the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE had agreed on a joint mechanism to share aid equitably for tsunami recovery. Building on that breakthrough the two sides would soon sit down to settle bigger issues, or so it seemed. But even before Solheim and his colleague Lisa Golden from the Norwegian Foreign Ministry were to return to Oslo, the "off-the-record" pronouncements had taken a different turn. The Lankadeepa, Sri Lanka's leading Sinhala daily, left out of the "friendly briefing" came by the story from its own sources. It was therefore not bound by the "off-the-record" pronouncement. It not only ran a story of Solheim's confident assertion of the JM being complete 99 per cent, but also something more. It was a warning from the JVP that no sooner the JM becomes a reality, they would be out from the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA). JVP's parliamentary group leader and Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa was quoted as saying that the JM would violate both Sri Lanka's sovereignty and territorial integrity. JVP Ministers decided to quit their portfolios if they went ahead with the move, the newspaper added. The reports were to draw threats of a denial from the Norwegian Embassy. However, they were reminded that the Reuters news agency had also run a similar report. That put paid to the issue. Newspaper headlines in the Lankadeepa were to trigger off another crisis. A one time Presidential aide now holding office in a Ministry promptly faxed the news reports to President Kumaratunga, now in London. She was infuriated that a premature announcement had caused embarrassment all-round. A source close to her said she pondered why the Norwegians could not have waited. Were they wanting to make the issue a fait accompli? Perhaps, the Norwegians wanted not to lose any more time. This explains why Norway's Foreign Minister, Jan Petersen telephoned Anton Balasingham in London this week. He telephoned from Oslo to urge the LTTE not to indulge in any action that would jeopardise the JM. The call had gone when Solheim was in Colombo. He also went further to ask whether a contentious issue, the one that constituted the remaining one per cent of the JM to be completed could be left out, and a deal concluded. The Sunday Times learns that the sticky issue relates to coastal areas dominated by the guerrillas. In such areas, the LTTE wants to be in a position to conduct searches in the sea for damaged property, develop coastal areas and also have the right to re-build ports. Government officials feel allowing such searches would formally confer a right on the LTTE, possibly on its sea going arm, the Sea Tigers. That would also amount to legal acceptance of the LTTE's right to venture into the seas. Development of coastal areas including ports, these officials say, would enable LTTE to build ports in the affected areas. A suggestion for the two sides to engage in their own activities, however, did not meet favour from Government officials. The matter still hangs in the balance but, as Solheim declared, "99 per cent is complete". Significant enough, that 99 per cent could not become a reality this week even if one chose to go ahead. That was even without the remaining one per cent that related to issues concerning the sea. The reason - like one cannot stage Shakespeare's Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark, one cannot reach finality on the JM without President Kumaratunga. Not even when Solheim had proudly pronounced that the JM was 99 per cent successful. Herein lies the crunch. Like Christina Rocca, Erik Solheim also scheduled his visit to Sri Lanka with previous assurances of meetings with President Kumaratunga. Visiting foreign dignitaries usually prepare their programmes months or weeks ahead. Hence, their inability to meet senior political leaders after engagements are confirmed does come as disappointments to them. No matter what reasons are adduced for such inabilities. Kumaratunga went to London and later flew with her children to Paris for a private holiday. She had returned to London and planned to be back in Colombo by April 18 but now she returns tomorrow (April 25), despite a suggestion she returns only after April 28 - a date of astrological significance since it was a day of planetary changes. There were many other engagements for her. She had summoned a Parliamentary Group meeting of the UPFA for April 21 to resolve the crisis in the Western Provincial Council. Chief Minister, Reginald Cooray was facing certain defeat over a no-confidence motion after the JVP chose to stay neutral. When Cooray heard she was not returning, he appealed to Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse. He said he could not order the JVP but spoke to SLFP parliamentarians after last Wednesday's cabinet meeting. This was hours ahead of emplaning to Jakarta for the Asian African summit. MPs criticised Cooray over many issues and that saw the Chief Minister giving a promise to correct himself. But no one has approached the JVP so far. But from London, President Kumaratunga has kept a watchful eye on political developments in Colombo, and also initiated action. On hand to assist her was none other than Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera, much maligned in the recent weeks for his purported estrangement with Kumaratunga. Even the counsel of her brother, Anura Bandaranaike was available. He was in London en route to a Commonwealth Tourism Ministers meet in Nigeria. A Colombo businessman was also due to join in. There was also a coincidence in the form of the birthday of Kumaratunga's daughter, Yasodha. Samaraweera had also gone to Paris for a UNESCO meeting and returned to London. From there, whilst parleying with Kumaratunga, he began issuing statements. The first was an attack on the opposition over what he called their "media mafia." A joint statement then followed, signed by him in London and later in Colombo by JVP's Wimal Weerawansa to assert that the UPFA was not divided but very much intact. It roundly condemned the opposition and other groups - a clear signal that far from being thrust out of Kumaratunga's orbit, Samaraweera was still gyrating there with strength. This is despite the "offensives" Kumaratunga launched to cleanse the state media of JVP influence. Paradoxical enough, one such "offensive" was playing itself in the board rooms of the Lake House when these developments were taking place. Kumaratunga's nominee for Director Editorial, Gamini Keerawella, asked the media top brass whether a Ruwan Ferdinandez, a Samaraweera associate and JVP sympathiser, was exerting any pressure on them. There was no response but Mr. Keerawella went on to say he should be kept informed of any interference in the future. Another issue that drew a sharp retort from Kumaratunga in London was Premier Rajapakse's request to appoint an acting Prime Minister during his absence. Rajapakse had written to President's Secretary, W.J.S. Karunaratne, asking that arrangements be made to appoint an acting Prime Minister in his absence. Karunaratne was apologetic in telling Rajapakse he simply did not have the authority to do so. He had informed Kumaratunga. She telephoned from London to tell Rajapakse that the prerogative of appointing an acting Premier was hers. She said if he wanted to travel to Indonesia, he could do so and leave other issues to her. An irate UPFA top runger was to remark that the centre of power just four months after an unprecedented tsunami catastrophe was no longer in Colombo. Kumaratunga was in London. Premier Rajapakse was in Indonesia together with Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar. So was Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala. Finance Minister, Sarath Amunugama was in the United States. Tourism Minister Anura Bandaranaike was on his way to Nigeria. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera was in London. It is in this backdrop that it took a one time Prime Minister and now acting Defence Minister, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, to issue a warning to the LTTE not to continue to provoke the security forces. He stood on the deck of the former US Coast Guard cutter "Courageous," now renamed SLNS Samudura to issue a warning. The Chief of Defence Staff and Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri followed suit. The warnings of the duo came even before the main armaments in this new deep-sea going naval craft have been mounted. Whether their ceremonial salvoes will force an LTTE, now stronger after a ceasefire than before, into humble submission no sailor, soldier or airman would be foolish enough to agree. But there seems to be wisdom in the adage about those living in a fool's paradise. Little wonder a nation is in crisis. |
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