The
good, the bad and the ugly justice
It was like the gunfight at OK Corral - the same old parable about
good guys and the bad. But what an unexpected denouement. The scene
was no longer the dusty, deserted streets of Dodge City. Or was
it Tombstone? It does not really matter. The remake had moved from
the wild west to the centre of American power. It was played out
in Washington's Capitol Hill where political power and corporate
power rub shoulders and are at times indistinguishable, one from
the other.
Some
of those who watched the televised fight on Capitol Hill where maverick
British Labour Party MP took on a US Senate sub-committee that investigated
sanctions-busting of the UN food-for-oil programme in Saddam Hussein's
Iraq, might have been enthralled by what seemed like an hour of
pure theatre. Many Americans might have hated the man who crossed
the ocean to expose US malfeasance.
There
was gunfire and blood-letting like in the old western tale. But
it was all shooting from the lip instead of the hip. When the verbal
firing stopped, the 'good' guys had been shot down, if they had
not already slithered away earlier. The 'bad' guy walked out triumphant
with a couple of flesh wounds that were hardly fatal.
American
audiences might be accustomed to seeing reruns of Gary Cooper, Glen
Ford and John Wayne knocking the daylight out of the baddies. But
modern America would hardly have seen anything like last week's
political drama when a single, perhaps garrulous, British MP walked
into a staid Senate room and turned the guns on American politics,
justice, the Bush administration and, by extension, the super power
itself.
That
man is George Galloway who defied Tony Blair over the Iraq war,
was sacked for his troubles, contested a sitting Labour Party MP
at this month's general election and proved that he could give better
than he gets by winning the constituency of Bethnal Green and Bow.
If
he was not willing to bow to Tony Blair on his highly contentious
Iraq policy, he was hardly likely to bow to some senators from Capitol
Hill, however important they might be on the other side of the Atlantic.
It
all began when the bipartisan US Senate Investigations sub-Committee
chaired by the Minnesota Republican Norman Coleman claimed that
Galloway had benefited from the food- for- oil programme and received
kickbacks.
The
committee report claimed it had uncovered "significant evidence"
that Galloway had been allocated millions of barrels of oil by the
Saddam regime. The committee said its conclusions were based on
previously disclosed documents from Iraq's Oil Ministry, interviews
with senior officials of the Saddam regime and unnamed sources,
probably the same 'reliable' sources that took the West for a huge
ride over weapons of mass destruction.
Similar
accusations made by two newspapers on either side of the Atlantic
cost them money when court ordered Galloway damages. What was so
shameful about this sorry saga that actually undermined America's
loudly trumpeted spiel about justice and fair play, is that the
senate committee did not ask George Galloway a single question about
the evidence or give him an opportunity to answer the accusations
before they made the charges in their report.
Chairman
Norm Coleman has tried through his investigations into the UN programme,
to bring down Secretary-General Kofi Annan because of his son's
'involvement' in one of the companies that had some hand in the
programme.
Coleman
has tried to play point-man for the Bush administration which has
been angered by Annan's statement that the war on Iraq was "illegal".
Bush believes that he is above the United Nations and the UN must
do US bidding as though the rest of the world does not exist.
That
is one reason the Bush administration is keen to have that irascible
bully John Bolton as its ambassador to the UN. Bush hopes that Coleman
and Bolton could do enough damage to Annan to force his resignation.
But the Democratic staff on the same committee reported that the
US administration had turned a blind eye to extensive sanctions
violations.
The
Democratic staff said the US not only knew about the sanctions-busting
but that "on occasion the United States actually facilitated
the illicit oil sales."
It
surely takes a bladder full of gall to make accusations against
the likes of Galloway when the US itself is found guilty of far
more damaging and highly lucrative violations. Particularly so when
Galloway was never given an opportunity to answer ahead of the report.
"This
committee has never spoken to me, never written to me, never asked
me a single question and did not even acknowledge last year my offer
to go and speak to them," Galloway said it Washington.
Galloway
had to virtually force himself on a committee that did not give
him an opportunity to say his piece. What is worse is that some
of the senators who had condemned him in the report kept away and
two of them actually left before the British MP could speak his
mind -- and devastatingly too.
Among
the many verbal thunderbolts he directed at the committee and America,
the most telling was his charge that it had abandoned the elementary
principles of justice.
"I
know that standards have slipped in Washington in recent years,
but for a lawyer you're remarkably cavalier with any idea of justice,"
he told Coleman.
For
a country that holds people incommunicado for years and tortures
prisoners in the name of fighting terrorism, that refuses to bring
detainees to court, it surely comes easily to senators without any
pangs of conscience to traduce individuals denying them the right
of defence.
If
politically appointed judges pervert and subvert justice to serve
their political masters or their idiosyncratic views on social and
political issues, why should senators be expected to serve the cause
of justice?
It
is, of course, not only in the United States that the judiciary
is sometimes subverted and politically anointed higher judicial
officers play out their own agendas.
People
are browbeaten and institutions that serve the public interest such
as the media are cowed by those who are supposed to dispense justice,
but now and then dispense with justice in an abusive display of
power.
While
political leaders and military officers suspected of genocide and
war crimes are brought to trial before international courts and
state parties chastised for human rights violations by the UN Human
Rights Committee, there does not seem to be any provision for higher
judicial officers who blatantly violate the sanctity of the rule
of law and the judicial process to be brought before such international
tribunals.
Seeing
how the judicial system is or has been abused in some countries
perhaps the international community should give some thought to
setting up such an authority to try those judges who persistently
act perversely.
After
all, if the conduct of others holding public office could be held
up to the mirror of public opinion, why not that of judicial officers.
In his "Freedom of Expression and the criticism of Judges:
A comparative study of European Legal Standards", Michael Addo
points out that the European Court of Human Rights has stressed
the importance of the principle of open debate and free speech.
This, he says, also applies to the criticism of judges and their
decisions. In the 21st century we need enlightened thinking, not
the moth-eaten beliefs of self-appointed Robespierres. |