CBK
gets set to go for JM
By Our Political Editor
It was the Secretary General of the Colombo Peace
Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala, who gave the first official indication
in Tokyo last week -- President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga
would soon take a firm decision on the Joint Mechanism or the Post
Tsunami Operational Management Structure.
He
whispered this in the ears of Japan's Special Envoy for the Sri
Lankan peace process, Yashushi Akashi, at a social that followed
a UN-backed speaking engagement in the Japanese capital.
Those
remarks, though informal, were still official. It was the first
formal indication that President Kumaratunga would go ahead with
the Joint Mechanism or the new Management Structure to share equitably
aid for tsunami recovery with Tiger guerrillas. Hell or high water
in the country's political firmament, she now seems determined to
go ahead and has made up her mind.
Yet,
a major hurdle, it seems, has to be cleared. That is to obtain the
blessings of neighboring India. Even if New Delhi does entertain
apprehensions, officially it is not poised to say "no"
to such a move. It is borne out of the fact that the granting of
a Management Structure to the LTTE and thus share aid, India believes,
is an internal affair of the Sri Lankan Government. However, Indian
concerns stem from the gigantic political and military structure
the Tiger guerrillas had built ever since the Ceasefire Agreement
was signed on February 22, 2002. Some of them, India is worried,
could spill over into its territory. For example, the construction
of a 1.2 kilometre long runway in Kilinochchi and the acquisition
of aircraft by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) pose
a threat to India. Hence the worry, quite understandably, is whether
any of the foreign aid to be pumped in through a Management Structure
to the guerrillas would go to enhance such air capability and other
similar military fortifications. Such a move would not only be a
threat to Sri Lanka but also to India. Moreover, India would be
conscious it would have to endorse a Joint Mechanism whose scope
and content still remains a top secret to the Sri Lankan public.
It
was only Thursday the acting Head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission
(SLMM) Hagrup Haukland told the Foreign Correspondents Association
that the newly acquired "air assets" of the LTTE could
re-ignite war. This is the boldest statement made by an SLMM official
in the three years of ceasefire. He said an air capability would
mean "a hell of a lot" to the LTTE and warned "it
not only destabilises Sri Lanka's security but India's security
as well." Now that the head of Scandinavian truce monitors
has spoken so eloquently, one cannot expect the Indian Government
to gloss over the issue. He has publicly confirmed that he had seen
the airstrip from the air. This is the first time ever there has
been public confirmation on the matter. Up to now, though the Sri
Lanka Government has circulated aide memoire to a number of western
Governments, no one in authority has made a public statement on
the LTTE's acquisition of air capability.
The
only exception has been Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar, during
a meeting with his British counterpart Jack Straw. Here again, he
only revealed that when he raised issue with Mr. Straw.
The
UPFA Government considers India's blessings vital. President Kumaratunga
will fly to New Delhi on Thursday for a meeting with Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh. She will outline to him the parameters of the Management
Structure and the reasons why her Government feels it would be imperative
to concede it to the LTTE. Soon after she returns, Indian Foreign
Minister Natwar Singh will arrive in Colombo. No doubt the matter
will be pursued further. Kumaratunga's talks with Premier Singh
and Foreign Minister Natwar Singh will be reflected in joint statements.
That will highlight the official stance of the Government of India
and is expected to be a precursor to Colombo making an official
announcement on the contours of the new Management Strucutre.
Kumaratunga
has given priority to the India visit. So much so, she had to call
off earlier plans to visit CNN headquarters in Atlanta, United States.
She is among Heads of State invited to make a keynote address during
ceremonies to mark CNN's 25th anniversary and the World Report Conference
(WRC). Instead, she will now make the address in a live satellite
broadcast on June 1 (Wednesday). Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar,
who is also an invitee, will be in Atlanta to take part in a panel
discussion on last December's devastating tsunami. Also in the panel
is former US President George H. Bush and the Information Minister
of Maldives, Ahmed Abdulla. Before his return to Colombo, Foreign
Ministry sources say, Kadirgamar will also meet US Secretary of
State, Condoleezza Rice for talks. This will be his first meeting
with Rice since she assumed the top job.
Though
some details of the so-called Joint Mechanism, a label which UPFA
leaders now hate to use are now known, there is still confusion
over most aspects. Some UPFA leaders contend that Kumaratunga would
set up the joint Management Structure invoking her executive powers
as President -- a move which they argue may place the structure
beyond parliamentary scrutiny. During the tenure of the previous
United National Front (UNF) Government Kumaratunga has been a vociferous
critic of the LTTE's demand for an Interim Self Governing Authority
(ISGA). Among the many reasons was that it tended to by pass the
nation's Parliament. On occasions she also criticised bitterly the
UNF for aiding and abetting in moves to undermine the country's
legislature.
Contrary
to claims by UPFA leaders, senior officials have declared publicly
that cash flow to the joint Management Structure would be from line
ministries -- the Ministry of Finance in particular. If that in
effect is the official position, the proposed JMS (Joint Management
Structure) would naturally come under the scrutiny of Parliament.
This is by virtue of the fact that Parliament exercises control
over the finances of all ministries. In such an event, the United
National Party (UNP), which considers the JMS as only part of tsunami
relief effort and not the peace process together with the Janatha
Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) could jointly defeat the JMS in Parliament.
That is when financial allocations for such a mechanism come up
for Parliamentary approval. This no doubt would render the Joint
Management Structure ineffective.
Hence
a critical question is the scope and content of the joint Management
Structure -- whether it would be subject to Parliamentary control
or not. Another issue would be the signing of an agreement between
the UPFA Government and the LTTE to give effect to the agreed joint
Management Structure.
Opposition
political parties argue signing at the official level could enable
a citizen to challenge it in courts. However, they point out that
it would not be possible if it is executed by a Presidential decree.
Colombo
Peace Secretariat Secretary General Dhanapala boarded a flight from
Colombo on Friday (May 20) -- the same day a three-member JVP delegation
left for Tokyo. Though both parties were headed for Tokyo, Dhanapala
was taking a Cathay Pacific Airways flight to Hong Kong for an onward
connection. The JVP trio -- leader Somawansa Amerasinghe, Nandana
Gunathilleke and parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa --
were boarding a Sri Lankan Airlines direct flight.
It
was Weerawansa who spotted Dhanapala checking in. He walked up to
him, patted him on the chest and asked where he was headed. "To
Tokyo on a UN backed engagement," came the reply. Weerawansa
was later heard to whisper in his leader Amerasinghe's ears that
"we have no cause to worry. He is also going to be out of the
country."
These
remarks clearly underscored the serious concerns entertained by
the JVP over the proposed Joint Management Structure. They were
breathing a sigh of relief that a key player in the process to concede
this joint mechanism was going to be away -- an indication that
no finality would be arrived at by Kumaratunga until he returned.
There
was a mild diversion at the airport. It was only Gunathilleke and
Weerawansa who, as parliamentariarns, held diplomatic passports.
Amerasinghe did not. Hence, the latter preferred to use the normal
public enclosure to complete departure formalities and not use the
VIP lounge. The two JVP parliamentarians were in agreement with
their leader. However, they chose not to wait in the long queue
and presented their tickets pronto during check in. Some of the
travellers who were unaware this group could have completed formalities
without even being present at the counter were irked. Dhanapala's
remarks to Akashi had reached the JVP trio, who were welcome VVIPS
to Japan. At the plush Imperial Hotel, home for visiting heads of
state, government and important dignitaries, Amerasinghe went into
a brief discussion with Goonetilleke and Weerawansa over what they
heard. Amerasinghe was quick to draw an analogy from what was going
on that week in Japanese politics. Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's
ruling party had brought in proposals to privatize the postal system
in that country. But the move was strongly opposed by a formidable
section of Koizumi's own parliamentarians. Hence the proposal could
not be decided upon. Amerasinghe declared that the proposed Joint
Management Structure would face the same fate but noted how the
Japanese democracy allowed such dissent without acrimony.
Weerawansa
cut short his stay in Japan and returned to Colombo on Friday night
leaving his two other colleagues to complete the Japanese tour.
He had to be on hand for a meeting JVP General Secretary Tilvin
Silva and Minister Anura Kumara Dissanayake were to have with President
Kumaratunga on Friday afternoon. They knew the meeting was not to
discuss the joint Management Structure. This is because the JVP
had demanded that a copy of the document outlining the proposed
structure should be made available to them ahead of any future talks.
An official at the Presidential Secretariat had agreed to do so
and intimate a date thereafter for the discussion. This is to take
place after Kumaratunga's India visit.
Friday's
talks which began at 7.30 pm and continued till after 9 pm were
focused on issues before the Western Provincial Council. There the
JVP was supporting a UNP motion of no confidence against Chief Minister
Reginald Cooray. Kumaratunga urged the JVP to change its stance
and allow Cooray to continue in office. The JVP stuck to its guns
insisting that Cooray should go and gave its reasons for it. The
meeting ended inconclusively though the two sides agreed to meet
again to review the matter.
That
meeting was to be followed by another -- a session by leaders of
constituent parties of the UPFA. Besides those from the JVP, there
was Dinseh Gunawardena, Athauda Seneviratne, D.E.W. Gunasekera and
Douglas Devananda. Kumaratunga took the opportunity to fire a strong
salvo at the JVP that remarks by their leaders were one of the reasons
for controversies within the UPFA leadership.
"It
is good you are raising this issue. Maybe there are shortcomings
but we should meet so that the issues could be raised," he
quipped. Weerawansa was to observe that persons who were not expected
to be at the meeting were there. It was decided to meet again and
continue to discuss issues.
The
stand off between Kumaratunga and the JVP over the proposed Joint
Management Structure has led to concerns among sections of the Sri
Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the major partner of the UPFA. A group
of 16 parliamentarians, among them Ministers and Deputy Ministers,
met last week at the residence of Plantation Industries Minister
Anura Yapa Abeywardena. It was Deputy Minister Sripathi Sooriyaratchchi
who raised issue over the proposed joint mechanism and on the need
to make changes if necessary. President's Counsel Wijedasa Rajapakse
responded "it cannot be done like that. The LTTE has already
agreed. It should either be accepted or not." He explained
the role he played in the formulation of the joint mechanism. The
group is to seek a meeting with Kumaratunga to present its views.
The
JVP's continued opposition to the proposed Joint Management Structure
was reiterated in Tokyo this week. Leader Somawansa Amerasinghe
told Akashi, during a dinner he hosted, that they were opposed to
granting a mechanism to a group that did not have the people's mandate.
According to one source, an official of the Sri Lanka Embassy in
Tokyo who was present at all JVP meetings, was taking copious notes.
Akashi gave substantial details of the proposed mechanism in a bid
to get the JVP delegation to change its mind. That was to draw a
lengthy explanation from Amerasinghe who declared the JVP did not
accept the Tokyo Declaration in toto though there were some good
provisions in it. He cited the Japanese example of dissent and tolerance
-- the abandoning of moves to privatize the postal service after
opposition from parliamentarians in the ruling party.
According
to reliable reports from Tokyo, Akashi told a close confidante President
Kumaratunga was determined to go ahead with the proposed Joint Management
Structure. He had said she plans to take a very tough stand against
anyone trying to disrupt her efforts. A UPFA source in Colombo added
that would even mean action against those trying to incite protests
or violence.
If
Kumaratunga is now determined to go through with the proposed management
strucutre, the LTTE appears to be very apprehensive. Its Political
Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan told Virakesari, a leading Tamil
newspaper in Colombo in an interview that the Government was reluctant
to concede the joint mechanism for Disaster Management.
Now
that President Kumaratunga is set to end the LTTE anxiety after
her India visit, a new chapter in UPFA's political history is to
unfold. How this will affect a Presidential poll due anytime before
the end of next year, or the future of the UPFA itself, remains
to be seen.
Deception by government — LTTE
Leader of the LTTE's political wing, S. P. Thamilselvan
gave the Colombo-based Virakesari Tamil newspaper an interview.
Here are edited excerpts:
Q:
Can you explain the current situation regarding JM?
A:
In fact, the JM is not a big subject. It is only the media that
is making a big issue. It is an instrument to reconstruct what has
been affected by tsunami. It is not a programme to find solution
to the ethnic issue. This subject has been magnified many times
and it is causing an illusion in the minds of the people.
Q:
If there is such reluctance or resistance to the JM, what would
happen when a permanent solution is sought?
A: That is a major question. The Tamil people have little
faith that the Sinhala leadership would bring a settlement. History
tells us the same fact. Yet our people have built up an armed struggle
and are in a strong position militarily. They have faith in the
right leadership. They are hopeful they would get a just solution.
But the Sri Lankan government and its armed forces are trying to
deceive the international community and suppress our people. The
Tamil people are not in a position to believe it any more. Tamils
are now in a position to build up their political and military strength
and are in a position to secure their rights.
Q:
More LTTE fighters and commanders have died during the ceasefire.
How long will you continue to do so?
A:
We are facing a big challenge during peace times. The Sri Lankan
forces are making all possible attempts to make use of this opportunity
to weaken our organisations. We are patient to the extent we can.
Our patience is at the highest level only because the situation
here has to be known properly by the international community. But
if the Sri Lankan govt. and its forces continue to behave in this
manner, it cannot be said that our people will be patient or accept
it. We have come to the end of our patience.
Q:
While the controversy in the government on the JM is growing and
the JVP is hardening its stand, do you have any intention of setting
a deadline?
A: We are not viewing only the JM. The ceasefire agreement
is being violated continuously and a critical situation is continuing.
In a way the activities of the Sri Lankan forces are violations
of the ceasefire agreement. They are in connivance with armed groups
promoting violence in our homeland, the northeast. It is also engaged
in military threats and economic sanctions. On the whole attention
is being paid on destabilising the situation. At the same time the
JVP is creating a crisis in the formation of the JM and the President
supports it and they are trying to cheat the international community
by this drama.
These
people have no good intentions. They do not act with the intention
of providing humanitarian aid to our people. There is no point in
talking about the JM after having dragged down three years without
any settlement. We feel that the utterances that the JVP is against,
are a political stunt and it is all pre-planned, because when the
president formed the government with the JVP, they were totally
against the Tamils.
Yet
the president is having them in the coalition. Therefore the president's
claims that the JVP is against the JM are all hypocritical drama
that is being acted to deceive the international community. We are
not at all prepared to believe this.
The
Tamils have given them sufficient time. If the Sinhala racists and
the Sinhala country cannot understand this and force the Tamils
to their own way, there is no alternative for the Tamil people but
to proceed in that direction.
Q:
While it is being seen that the LTTE has functioned well in the
political sector during the past thee years, people wish to know
its activities in the military sector. Besides it is said that the
LTTE is purchasing another aircraft. What are your comments.
A: (After a long laugh ) We can give the people a clear
message. As far as our leader is concerned he is keen that what
has protected the people must be carefully maintained. Our military
infrastructure is a very convincing one. It helped us gain superiority
militarily, to win the Lankan forces and redeem the northern regions
and bring them under our control. As far as the military supremacy
is concerned we are maintaining a very high level. Even now youth
of both sex are coming forward to strengthen our organisation. In
this respect all our infrastructure is in a strong position be it
the army or navy. The infrastructure of all these units is strongly
constructed. Our people are also making their contribution to build
these up.
Q:
Tamilnadu chief minister Jayalalitha has brought to the notice of
the central government that you are about to purchase another aircraft
and that it would be a threat to the security of the region. What
do you say?
A: We have already replied to the feelings of India. The
military bases that are constructed in our region are not a threat
to India or any other country. For years the Tamil people are being
subjected to racial killing and atrocities. As a result they have
built up an army string in their region. They have maintained their
rights to protect themselves. Our infrastructure is being built
up only for this purpose and not as a threat to anyone. These are
structures that are being put up to protect our own homeland. Others
need not develop any fear or worry about it. We have already expressed
ourselves. But the Sinhala government and the racists are attempting
to give wrong information to the international community. These
are their concoctions. But our structures have been existing from
those days. There is no necessity for us to do anything new.
Q:
What does the international community feel about the increase in
your military strength?
A: We have sufficiently explained to them. We have told
them of the reorganisation of the forces by the government and of
the purchases of the military hardware. In such a state the Tamils
will not attempt to weaken their own forces.
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