Focussing
on a rights related recovery process
The most recent protest to date in relation to the inequitable distribution
of tsunami aid comes from Tangalle on the Southern coast where enraged
villagers gathered in front of the Divisional Secretary's Office
on Saturday morning to point to the spoilt supplies that they had
been sent. One villager highlighted the predicament of many when
he said that they do not receive the money allocation which was
handed out during the early months following the tsunami.
While
this is so on one hand, on the other, we see numerous instances
of aid being delivered to unscrupulous middlemen who either take
the supplies for their own use or sell them for profit. These are
the two extremes that are manifested in many areas in the South.
In the process, the overriding grievances of the genuinely tsunami
affected internally displaced persons in Sri Lanka in respect of
land, housing and resettlement continue to be bypassed to date.
In
the minimum, it is not even certain exactly how many permanent houses
have been built for them or, if any have been built at all. Statements
of government spokesmen, responding to critical domestic and international
newspaper reports in regard to this question, have been ambiguous.
Enforcement of the 100 meters ban on re-settlement in the South
has been capricious. In the North and East, the acute dissension
between the Southern based political parties over the P-Toms agreement,
(given certain of its clauses that concede a problematic authority
in the functioning of the aid mechanism to the LTTE on par with
the Central Government), has led to uncertainty over its continuing
implementation.
From
a general perspective, while the Indian recovery effort has necessarily
a different political dimension from the Sri Lankan context, it
may be relevant for us to examine some common problems that affect
both processes. Data emerging from the tsunami affected regions
in both India and Sri Lanka suggest that continuing problems faced
by the enormous numbers of displaced persons in both countries are
remarkably similar.
Over 200,000 homes have been fully or partially destroyed in India's
mainland as a result of the tsunami and countless lives uprooted
and shattered. Loss and damage to housing has been estimated at
U.S. $228 million. At least 647,556 persons have been displaced
and moved into emergency shelters.
In
both countries, adherence to the full implementation of the UN Guiding
Principles on Internal Displacement (which apply not only to individuals
displaced by armed conflict but also by natural disasters) has not
been adequately manifested. These principles stipulate a number
of standards, including the provision of internally displaced persons
with an adequate standard of living. This would mean a minimal ensuring
of safe access to essential food and potable water, basic shelter
and housing, appropriate clothing and essential medical services
and sanitation.
The
Guiding Principles also mandate governments to provide aid on a
non-discriminatory basis and to take "special efforts …
to ensure the full participation of women in the planning and distribution
of these basic supplies." They specify that "internally
displaced persons, such as children, especially unaccompanied minors,
expectant mothers, mothers with young children, female heads of
households, persons with disabilities and elderly persons, shall
be entitled to protection and assistance required by their condition
and to treatment which takes into account their special conditions.
Importantly,
the Principles impose the condition that displaced persons must
be able to make free and informed individual decisions about where
they are required to settle permanently. Affected persons should
therefore receive accurate, timely information regarding this choice.
Measured from this standpoint, recovery efforts in the South Asian
sub-continent have not been trouble free. Insofar as India is concerned,
as the New York based Human Rights Watch has pointed out in a recent
report 'After the Deluge: India's Reconstruction Following the 2004
Tsunami', several systemic and potentially enduring failures have
plagued recovery efforts in the affected Indian states.
While
HRW has applauded the Indian government's overall response to the
tsunami, it has found that government recovery efforts did not adequately
take into account the needs of different vulnerable segments of
the affected population, particularly women, children, the disabled,
Dalits (so-called untouchables) and tribal groups.
The
research highlighted severe defects in design and management of
the temporary settlements and the shelters being provided to the
displaced persons. Many displaced persons interviewed during the
study had complained that the settlements, whether built by the
government or NGOs, were uncomfortable, overcrowded and without
adequate privacy. Some complained that there are not enough toilet
facilities. Many of them left homeless by the tsunami had chosen
to forego the offer of government shelter.
One
fisherman, Kaliamurthy, who lives in a tent in his old village in
Southern India told HRW researchers that he has refused to accept
the temporary shelters. His statement is unequivocal; " I am
a fisherman and I want to go back to my fishing business. I have
to live near the sea. They are giving us temporary houses far away
from the water. It is made of tin and asbestos, which is very hot.
I will not go there."
Other
conclusions in the HRW report are also relevant for us. The report
has pointed to the problems manifested in the recovery effort in
protecting the livelihood of people without assets such as wage
labourers or tenant farmers, inadequate transparency and consultation
with community groups, which will be crucial to successful long-term
relocation of displaced people and development of coastal land and
problems in compensating people who had either lost title to their
property or who lacked proper title because they resided on unused
government land.
Meanwhile,
the Indian government has stated that it will strictly implement
the Coastal Zone Regulations, the principal legislation governing
land use along India's coasts, which mandate that there should be
no new human habitation within 500 meters of the coast. The objective,
like in the case of Sri Lanka, is to create a buffer zone along
the coast to protect the environment. This has had a predictable
negative impact on thousands of families in those areas now in danger
of eviction and of not obtaining ad-equate compensation, as they
do not possess titles to their damaged properties. These persons
are now in danger of being coerced to leave their properties. Alternately,
they may not be provided with financial support for reconstruction.
All
these are problems that have been evidenced in this country as well.
Indian public interest litigation groups are now taking matters
of resettlement, land and housing to court in efforts to obtain
some justice for the victims. The sharing of experiences and the
forging of common bonds among committed Indian and Sri Lankan lawyers
and activists may afford one way to bring both governments to account
for the implementation of a recovery plan that takes the rights
of the displaced persons far more substantively to account than
what is evidenced now. Unfortunately, the focus on a rights related
recovery process appears to be yet distant in both countries. |