Fast:
Weapon of intimidation or tool of reform?
The letter to the Editor on “Time to prohibit fasting in public
places” appearing in the Sunday Times of June 26, deserves
attention as a timely and intrepid statement.
The
legislation, the writer is asking for, to prohibit suicide and aiding
and abetting thereof is already in the statute book. Section 302
of the Penal Code reads;
“Whoever
attempts to commit suicide, and does any act towards the commission
of such offence shall be punished with imprisonment of either description
for a term which may extend to one year, or with fine, or with both.”
Section 299 of the Code runs as follows;
“If
any person commits suicide, whoever abets the commission of such
suicide shall be punished with death.”
It would thus appear that suicide has become fashionable not due
to a lacuna in the law but due to the lethargy of those who are
entrusted with its enforcement. Is this lethargy caused by chicken-heartedness
or brought about by extra-legal implications of the crime?
Politically,
death fasts are essentially a weapon used by a minority to force
the hand of a government in power. In that sense, they are a threat
to democracy, which includes far - reaching consequences that may
lead to anarchy in the long run. They amount to moral thuggery that
enables one single individual to hold an entire government to ransom.
The
obvious solution to this proliferating problem is to ignore the
threat. In this connection I remember an incident that took place
when I was Government Agent, Trincomalee, in the sixties, which
I have recorded in my diary, now deposited at the Archives. I received
a letter from a monk, informing me that he had started a death fast
over some land dispute and asking me to come and solve it. I tore
up the letter and put it in the waste-paper basket.
The
monk had sent a copy of the letter to the Home Ministry also. At
the proverbial speed of departmental communication, the copy had
taken about a month to come up the ladder and be read by a staff
officer. The Ministry got excited by the threat and sent me an urgent
directive to visit the monk and settle the matter.
I
responded to the directive in one sentence. I wrote, “If the
monk actually carried out his threat, there can be nobody for me
to visit and if he did not, there is no need for the visit.”
On
mature reflection, I now realize that it is not always feasible
or safe to ride roughshod over a death-fast. To my mind there are
at least three reasons why such action may be unfair or counter-productive
in certain situations. They stem from the weaknesses of the Democratic
system.
In
Democracy, rule by the majority is acceptable as a working arrangement.
The problem is to ascertain where the majority is in between two
elections.
The pendulum at the victor’s end on the day of the election,
may swing to the opposite side at the next poll. At the midway point
of the swing the majority crosses over to the opposition but the
government continues to hold itself as the voice of the majority,
right upto the day they are routed at the next election.
2.
Our own experience has shown that in Structured Democracy, where
the leader is strong, the tune is often called by the leader despite
divergent thinking on the part of the majority of the ruling party,
even when they are still in line with the aspirations of their electorate.
In such a situation, the decision of the leader may not coincide
with the thinking of the elected majority, although such decision
may be the most rational in the circumstances.
3.
The basic assumption of Democracy is that sanity is an invariable
and inherent attribute of the majority. The objective of my play
‘Umatusanvarusava” written in the seventies was to question
the rationality of this assumption. Human history has been enriched
by the thinking of great men whose teaching was anathema to the
majority of their compatriots. What if the solitary faster is another
sage?The inevitable result of a death-fast ending in death in the
first and the second situations above, would be rebellion, if the
Martyr represented the wish of the de facto silenced majority. Death
in the third situation would expose the entire nation to eternal
ignominy in wiser times.
It
would thus appear that control of death-fasts is not exclusively
a simple function of the law. It calls for greater contributions
from the country’s intelligentsia, the government in power
and the people at large.
The
intelligentsia must make an organized effort to build up a foolproof
information system that would indicate the choice of the majority
at any given time, so that the government of the day may be equipped
with reliable tools to make solid decisions, without groping in
the dark, when confronted with a showdown such as a death-fast.
They
should also analyze and evaluate possible solutions to current problems
that may be alien to the majority and familiarize them among the
general public.
A concerted campaign has to be mounted to educate the people to
realize the inequity and intimidation behind a death-fast under
any circumstance, in which at times, a single individual may be
pitched against a whole nation. The right thinking people have to
be convinced to accept and expose ‘a death-fast’ as
a weapon of moral terrorism.
There
should also be a conscientious effort on the part of the government
to deal with dissent openly and flexibly, thereby restraining frustrated
dissidents rushing into rash alternatives. The more the opportunities
and avenues created for conflict resolution the less will be the
tendency to resort to confrontations.
The task is to identify more civilized and reasonable instruments
of protest and persuasion for our Hampdens and Aristotles, and to
smoke out the likes of the self-seeking pretender, I dealt with
in Trincomalee.
Somapala
Gunadheera
Via email
Death
for people, luxury for ministers
There seems to be a stiff competition between the authorities and
the LTTE in respect of decimating the Sri Lankan population. The
government apparently does not have the ability or will to lay down
the small financial expenditure involved in setting up simple, (I
stress simple by which I mean the sort of thing done by the late
President Premadasa)guarded railway crossings, while Ministers of
State are given the necessary funds to live and work in state of
the art luxurious surroundings.
I
would not be surprised, if following the public outcry over the
preventable deaths, a sadly muted outcry, to say the least, some
enthusiastic minister will come up with a proposal, which the cataract-ridden
Ttreasury officials, will no doubt pass, for a high-tech, highly
funded, electronic system of guarding railway crossings!
The
'Premadasa system' gave no scope for massive expenditure of public
funds, involving huge payments to experts, local and abroad, and
financial cuts to highly placed politicians and sycophantic public
officials. Hence, the difficulty in implementing such a scheme.
It
is sickening to read in the same issue of a prominent newspaper,
of the alleged expenditure by a minister, (no denial offered, to
my knowledge),of massive public funds, on a luxury office complex,
while another minister -a spokesman at that, who now treads on the
footprints of the 'Luxury Office' minister referred to-boldly asserts
that the Health Services would have to be privatized, since the
State did not have the necessay funds.
Is
it not time that ministers sat down at a Cabinet meeting and banged
their collective heads together hard, so that their non-functioning
or malfunctioning neurones would be given a good, round shake up,
which might rouse them from their collective slumber?
Mark Amerasinghe
Kandy
Rampaging
beggars and besieged railway commuters
The standard of service at the Sri Lankan Railways has been deteriorating
for the past three decades. The main reason for this is poor administration
and financial difficulties.
In
addition, we now find that begging in railway compartments, on platforms
and at railway stations has become a nuisance to commuters. The
beggars start at 5 a.m. and go on till about 10 p.m. They collect
money going up and down along the carriages on the train and at
the stations.
Some
are blind or deaf, others disabled and some seem to have infectious
diseases. There are others who collect funds for heart patients,
kidney transplants etc. They come one after the other, with different
stories, making a big din.
Their
daily collection is about Rs. 2,000-3,000. They go to each and every
commuter and if the person does not oblige, they tease and pass
hints or even insult him/her.
Some
passengers say the so-called beggars come in daily by van and go
by van. Some have bodyguards to look after them and aid them, they
say.
Some beggars live on the railway platforms. They cook food and use
the station facilities and at night the toilets.
If
the railway authorities are so keen to help the beggars, they can
keep a till on each ticket counter and at the end of the month give
the collection to genuine beggars. But allowing them to roam as
they do is a crime. Immediate action should be taken to remedy this
appalling situation.
N.H.
Surasena
Gampaha
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