President trains her guns on me

The cream of the country’s military establishment and the Police, a thousand of them, began to take their seats ahead of 2.00 p.m. last Tuesday at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH).

Four hundred officers from the Army, 150 from the Navy,150 from the Air Force together with 300 from Police had gathered right on time, true to their traditions, to hear President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, their Commander-in-Chief. Perhaps due to her many Presidential chores she arrived three hours late, just after 5.00 p.m. Even if the wittiest among a group of officers remarked that 3,000 man hours were lost, the result of her three hour delay, none was unduly perturbed.
Yet, she was not her usual self and appeared angry that day. A group of media personnel who had gathered were in for a rude shock. She told them to withdraw before she began her address. She accused the private media of leaking information to the enemy (the LTTE). “This is why we cannot fight a war,” she lamented. Seventy five per cent of the media, she declared, were supporting the opposition UNP.

Then the 1,000 officers holding the rank of Major or above and equivalent ranks in the other armed forces and the Police, heard her speak for almost 80 minutes on the P-TOMS. She made clear it was the duty of the armed forces and the Police to help enforce the P-TOMS and warned saboteurs would be severely dealt with. She said they need not follow the chain command to deal with them but bring such matters straightaway to the attention of their respective commanders and the Police chief.

At the end of her address, she offered to answer questions. The conduct of business was in Sinhala. There were many questions but most did not relate to the P-TOMS agreement she had signed with the LTTE to equitably share tsunami relief. The Navy’s first ever Deputy Chief of Staff, Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera observed that there had been more than 400 killings by Tiger guerrillas during the ceasefire. Forty of those killed were from the armed forces. Whilst their personnel were getting killed, it had become incumbent on them to provide escort and protection to the guerrillas. This was having a detrimental effect on their morale. He wanted to know whether the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) or Emergency Regulations could not be enforced.

President Kumaratunga had a brief exchange of words with Deputy Defence Minister, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake. She replied thereafter that it was difficult to enforce such laws. Without a war it was only 40 personnel who were killed. Had there been a war the numbers would have been much higher. “We must try to change the Ceasefire Agreement,” she declared. But last week, LTTE’s chief peace negotiator Anton Balasingham ruled out any such moves.

He told Norwegian peace facilitators – Special Envoy Erik Solheim and Ambassador Hans Brattskar – that the LTTE rejected proposals for a change in the CFA. He said since the Government was a party to the agreement, the existing provisions in that document should be enforced first. This was during a meeting in London on July 23.

A few questions and answers later Lt. Cmdr. K.J. Kularatne, commanding officer of the gunboat SLNS Ranadheera said there had been media reports of procurements for the Navy being stopped. He asked why the Navy had not got anything during the past three years.

President Kumaratunga checked with Defence Secretary, Maj. Gen. (retd.) Ashoka Jayawardena and replied the Navy has not been ignored. In fact they have got a large allocation for fast attack craft, offshore patrol vessels and the upgrading of guns mounted on Fast Attack Craft (FACs).

Commodore Somatilleke Dissanayake, Deputy Area Commander, Northern Naval Area Headquarters in Kankesanthurai said he wanted to follow up with a question related to the same matter. There have been reports in weekend newspapers, he said, about security forces that bared information to the enemy and created dissension in the officer ranks.

When the translation of such reports in English appeared in the Sinhala media, the sailors read them. It was not good for morale. He said such reports should be stopped. Officers were becoming reluctant to take decisions. According to him, even after World War II some of the operations still remained a secret though he did not say how he was privy to them. But in Sri Lanka they were not.

Noting that it was an important question, the President said “I know he is the man (Oya Miniha) who is doing all this. That man called Iqbal Athas, who picks up a piece of gossip (gossip kellak) and magnifies them, as if he knows everything.” She turned to Police Chief, Chandra Fernando to ask whether action could not be taken under the Official Secrets Act. She opined that the job of a Defence Correspondent was to analyse a situation, point out the outcome and any shortcomings.

What Commodore Dissanayake was complaining about were a series of reports in The Sunday Times (Situation Report). Sinhala translations of such reports appear in the sister newspaper, the Lankadeepa, Sri Lanka’s largest selling Sinhala daily. In The Sunday Times these reports appeared on June 26, July 3,10 and17.

The focus of most reports was a recommendation by the Chief of Defence Staff and Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri that the Government spend 10 million Sterling Pounds or nearly Rs 1.8 billion to purchase Sir Gallahad, a logistics landing craft of Britain’s Royal Fleet Auxiliary that had become redundant. This vessel was once deployed by Britain’s Royal Navy in the Falklands.

Here is a brief summary of the reports to give one an idea. The report on June 26, which was a cursory assessment of the P-TOMS, also dealt with Vice Admiral Sandagiri personally leading a delegation of high ranking Navy officers to inspect Sir Gallahad in Britain. It pointed out that although he was Sri Lanka’s highest ranking military officer, he was received in Britain by a very junior Royal Navy officer. This was on the grounds that protocol did not apply when purchase missions, usually staffed by lesser ranking officers, arrived in that country.

The report on July 3 made further reference to the proposed purchase of Sir Gallahad. It dealt with Vice Admiral Sandagiri’s visit to Britain to take part in celebrations to mark the 200th year of the Battle of Trafalgar and Admiral Lord Nelson. It pointed out how a delay had occurred over the implementation of a decision taken by President Kumaratunga to post Rear Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda as Commander, Eastern Naval Area and Co-ordinator in Chief of Security Forces in Trincomalee. This was because Vice Admiral Sandagiri was away in Britain.

The report on July 10 highlighted details of how procuring Sir Gallahad would have been a colossal waste of public funds. One and half the length of a football field, it was revealed, that this logistics ship needed special berthing facilities whilst in the Colombo Port. Moreover, it could not enter the Kankesanthurai Port. Hence the reason given for the procurement, to transport troops and cargo from Colombo to the North, was not an economically and operationally viable one. The fuel cost to operate the logistics vessel was Rs 180 million for ten days or Rs 18 million per day. All the naval vessels put together would not consume Rs 18 million worth of fuel a day.

This exposure created considerable public awareness to the futility of spending a colossal amount of public funds. It was pointed out that Britain’s Royal Fleet Auxiliary (RFA) was placing the vessel on sale because they could not keep to standards laid down by the Lloyds of London. Could the Navy have done what the RFA could not? Even if they wanted to do so, huge amounts of funds would be required.

This reality dawned on a high powered Government committee tasked to screen recommendations for procurements by the armed forces. The committee headed by former Defence Secretary Chandrananda de Silva has now rejected Vice Admiral Sandagiri’s recommendations to purchase Sir Gallahad. If the proposal were to be accepted, the Committee knew that over a period of time it would have also ended up in a graveyard of other Naval acquisitions – two outdated missile boats acquired in 2000 at a cost of US $ 26 million from Israel and a Hovercraft from UK worth one million pounds purchased in 1997. The main engines of the latter had not completed even 1000 running hours. All three vessels are now lying idle.
The same report revealed how a military officer who rose from the lowest rungs to a higher position procured a prime coconut property at a cost of Rs 25 million. It pointed out that this was a good case for the Commission to Investigate Bribery or Corruption to probe.

How do these reports become “sensitive information” to the enemy? They were highlighted in the national interest because a vast amount of the tax payer’s money was to be spent. My assertions have now been endorsed by the Government’s own procurement committee.

Only an ignorant fool or someone who has something to hide would claim these disclosures were information to the enemy. Last year, the Sri Lanka Embassy in Washington put out a series of news releases and pictures of a US Coast Guard cutter that was being gifted to Sri Lanka. That was the Courageous renamed SLNS Samuudra. This was long before the vessel arrived in Colombo. Does that mean then Sri Lanka Ambassador to US Devinda Subasinghe conveyed “sensitive information” to the enemy through those news releases and thus violated the Official Secrets Act? Barring some Government to Government deals, all naval craft have been acquired after Worldwide tenders are called. When that happens, literally the whole world knows.

The report of July 17 revealed how the Navy purchased in 1997 from Britain’s Royal Ordnance ten 30 mm Oerlikon (GCM-A/A32) guns at a cost of over Rs 703.9 million. This purchase was made after public tenders were called. Thus it was public knowledge. Nine units were installed on ships and one was allocated for training purposes. It disclosed how these guns were regularly rendered non operational due to frequent failures particularly in the HPTU or the Hydraulic Power Transmission Unit. To-date the problem remains and it was only three weeks ago Vice Admiral Sandagiri sent another fax complaining to Royal Ordnance about the defective weapons.

Their silence has been deafening.Yet, for the past five years he has been recommending to two successive governments (the former UNF and the present UPFA) that they spend over Rs 658 million (or exactly Rs 658,366,100.00) to procure another 30 mm GCM gun from Royal Ordnance together with a Fire Control System, a device that detects a target and directs fire. This was for installation in the offshore patrol vessel SLNS Sayura. Here again the information was in the public domain since worldwide tenders were called.

But why was such a recommendation made when the supplier had for eight long years not paid heed to complaints from the Navy? Why didn’t the Navy seek a weapons system from any other outside source for a competitive price? The question becomes relevant for another reason. There were evaluations during that period to upgrade weapons on Fast Attack Craft (FACs) from 23 mm to 30 mm guns and equip 30 mm guns with fire control systems on Ultra Fast Attack Craft (UFACs). The prices quoted by another acknowledged supplier was a third less than that of Royal Ordnance.

It must be emphasised that these upgrades and the planned purchases of guns preceded worldwide tenders. In other words, the information was therefore public. Is the enemy, the LTTE so deaf, dumb and blind they would not know it?

Why then is it being touted “information to the enemy?” Is it not to prevent such scandalous disclosures to the public in the future? Is it not an attempt to intimidate the media into silence and prevent future exposures? Here again, the Government has stopped this procurement.

This was only because of the revelations made in The Sunday Times.
Eight years after these guns have been procured; it is being argued that the enemy would have come to know now only because The Sunday Times reported it. In other words, the enemy has only one intelligence source – the newspapers. Even the most dumb witted would not agree that the LTTE has sustained a separatist war for almost 20 years by solely depending on newspapers. Surely, is this not an underestimation of the enemy and its intelligence gathering capability? Has not the enemy been photographing naval craft at sea? More importantly any one accessing the Navy’s website (http: www. navy.lk) can see photographs of naval craft equipped with guns. All one has to do is identify them. This information, therefore, is in the public domain.

Pundits who talk of World War II secrecy do not realise how much technology has revolutionised the world in this new millennium. The internet, which was not available then, is now at the finger tips of anyone who owns or hires a computer. And thus what was considered secret military information then no longer exist now. They are in the public domain. That is not to say there is nothing called a military secret. They have narrowed down to some specific areas. For example, reporting on planned military operations would undoubtedly be information to the enemy. Whoever does that is no doubt a traitor. I cannot recount a single instance where this has happened in the Sri Lankan media.

If one needs to learn of Sir Gallahad and its configurations, they could go to the website of the Royal Force Auxiliary, UK’s Royal Navy or many other sites. Similarly, a visit to Royal Ordnance website would provide a catalogue of their hardware. Fred T. Jane’s manuals were not available during World War II. But now, details of fighting ships, aircraft, weapons systems and what have you are all available at the flick of a page from Jane’s catalogues. For those who are unaware, the LTTE has some of these manuals translated into Tamil. I have seen them during visits to the North.

Claims about dissension within officer ranks and the effect on sailors as a result of the exposures also merit reference. The question of dissension is a poor argument since most of the officer cadres are aware of the state of affairs that places their lives and that of the sailors at peril. It is they who want to highlight corrupt activity, malpractices and irregularities so they can win for themselves and their men a better quality of life in serving the nation.

On the other hand, if there were fabricated reports, those concerned have all the right to contest what is being exposed and prove the facts wrong. They also have legal remedies.

In the light of this, isn’t the talk of “passing sensitive information to the enemy” a euphemism to shield, to cover up and protect corrupt activity, malpractices and serious irregularities? On the other hand, if there was a serious breach of national security through the transmission of highly sensitive information; what would have been a civilised way to deal with those who are responsible? Is it to use the powers of the highest office in the land to subject them to ridicule and indignities?

After all no one can claim to be above the law. If indeed there was any validity in the claim of the Navy officer in question that The Sunday Times disclosures were “information to the enemy,” why were all others from the Army, Air Force, Police and even officials from the Ministry of Defence so silent when the issue was raised?

There was not a murmur from them. Only a lonely voice from the Navy, Commodore Dissanayake raised a query. Co-incidence or otherwise, his boss Vice Admiral Sanadagiri held the same view. There was another interesting development. On the afternoon of Tuesday July 19 Vice Admiral Sandagiri telephoned me.

He asked whether he could speak with me and I replied “yes, of course.” He then told me “the articles you have written are information to the enemy. Can I meet with you and talk…” I told him I was available at anytime he wished at any place he nominated. He asked me to come over to his office at 4 pm on Thursday July 21, a Poya Day. His personal staff was very courteous. They offered to send me a car but I said I would come over. They ushered me to his office room. There I exchanged pleasantries with the Chief of Defence Staff and Navy chief over cream crackers, cheese and tea.

Thereafter Vice Admiral Sandagiri declared “Iqbal, the articles you have written are all information to the enemy. That is how they get to know our shortcomings.” I replied that I did not agree although I appreciated his point of view. I added that The Sunday Times exposures were made in the national interest since public funds were involved.

In a lighter vein, I told him how some senior officers in the armed forces felt a remark made by President Kumaratunga to the Maha Sangha was construed as “information to the enemy.” Whilst speaking to them on the need for P-TOMS on June 17 at the BMICH, she said the alternative was a war with the LTTE. To fight such a war successfully she needed genuine military officers, those who will not earn money through weapons deals. From those remarks, these officers argued, the enemy would believe the armed forces would not wage a war against them.

I told Vice Admiral Sandagiri the officers said the enemy would be emboldened to make tougher demands from the Government and win them all very easily.

He laughed and remarked “I know, it’s a very unfortunate statement. I wish the HE did not say it.” I offered to interview Vice Admiral Sandagiri and ensure his views were published. I told him he had a right of reply. Of course, I made clear I would make my own observations where it became necessary. He insisted that our conversation should remain off-the-record. He did not contest any of the facts in all my reports except to only say he was not re-called from Britain on his last visit. As for the rest of the conversation, I am honour bound to remain silent since it was off-the-record. Our two hour meeting ended almost at 6 p.m. that Thursday. Alas, Commodore Dissanayake now seems to have done his bidding on the record, before 999 colleagues.

It is unfortunate, if not sad, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Commander in Chief of the armed forces, the highest in the land holding the most dignified office, has now chosen to name me and ridicule me publicly before her top most military men and Police officers. I had thought my disclosures would help her if she wanted to deal with corrupt activity in procurements, the existence of which she has publicly admitted.

If in her opinion the reports I had authored recently on the Navy were considered “sensitive information to the enemy,” I cannot plead for exemption from accusations of violating the Official Secrets Act. But I am not at fault. I do not blame President Kumaratunga for she cannot, amidst her onerous responsibilities of state, keep track of all newspaper disclosures. But I am sure she would not have made those remarks if she was aware of the correct position.

It is clear that claims made by Commodore Dissanayake are thus ill informed. What is not clear is why he did it and what for?
It was the same President Kumaratunga who, during the tenure of the previous United National Front government, commended me on a number of occasions for what she called my “courageous exposures” and the “service being rendered to the nation.” Then she wanted me to “continue the good work.” Official statements issued by her party at that time praised my work. I was assured and encouraged by her remarks for it came from the country’s first citizen.

She also wanted to know from me about developments in the defence and security establishment. This included my exposures on how the LTTE became stronger militarily during the ceasefire. Then she declared publicly that the country’s national security was “deteriorating” and took control of the defence portfolio from the UNF.

Of course that was when her party was in the Opposition. Things have changed. They are now in power and my exposures have suddenly become “pieces of gossip,” purportedly “information to the enemy” and even violated the Official Secrets Act. I do not claim to know everything and have never done so. Nor do I propose to do so. But the very few things I do know, I get my facts right. If I am wrong, I do not hesitate to correct it. My comments may embarrass some but they are based on facts and are revealed, like in the past, in the national interest. This is perhaps why some of the previous UNF Government leaders were angry. But they did not threaten to charge me under the Official Secrets Act. And now, this is why President Kumaratunga was furious and wants to find out whether I can be charged. I am not a torch bearer of either side.

If the same enthusiasm and vigour of cracking down on the media for reportedly passing information to the enemy is applied to those involved in corruption over military procurements, it would have acted as a deterrent. Alas, despite the admission that corruption in the military has reached such high levels that a war could not be fought, not one person in uniform or outside it has been punished.

It is not only the enemy whom I am accused of passing “sensitive information” that has trained its guns on me. President Kumaratunga’s remarks, no doubt without a fuller appreciation of the situation, will make at least some of the 1,000 officers who heard her to train their guns on me too. All this is for doing my duty.

Palaly to be closed for a month: SLAF to use heavy-lift helicopters
The impending closure of the runway at Palaly has prompted the Air Force to call for tenders to lease out two heavy-lift Mi 26 helicopters, according to the Commander of the Air Force, Air Marshal Donald Perera.

This means both Air Force and flights operated by private domestic airlines to Jaffna will come to a halt until the work is completed hopefully in the next four months, he said in an interview with The Sunday Times.
He said troops and transport of rations for the military in the north was the responsibility of both the Air Force and the Navy. At present Russian built Antonov 32 aircraft ferried 750 troops daily to Palaly and brought back an equal number on leave from Ratmalana. This was during eight to ten flights.

The Mi-26 helicopters, he said, had the capability to transport 95 troops in each flight in addition to a heavy cargo load. At present the Air Force copes with a cargo load of 18 to 20 tons. He said a Government to Government request has also been made to India to obtain on loan Mi-26 helicopters. A response was now being awaited.

He said deterioration of the runway at Palaly necessitated urgent repairs. The non serviceability of aircraft was caused by heavy vibrations during take off or landing. He said preparations for the re-surfacing work was now going on. When work proper begins, it will be carried out round the clock with work going on in shifts.

Air Marshal Perera has assigned his Chief of Staff Air Vice Marshal Laksan Salgodo to personally supervise work related to the upgrading of the runway. Maga Negum under the Ministry of Highways was in charge of the construction work whilst Central Engineering Consultancy Bureau (CECB) was functioning as consultants. Movement of bulk cargo during the repair period is to be carried by sea.

Here are other edited excerpts of the interview:
On Air Force procurements: We ensure a high degree of transparency in the procurement process. An ongoing process is the fact that we have allowed a representative of the Auditor General’s Department to locate himself in an office in the Air Force complex. He has been provided with a telephone and computers. Staff has been advised to help them in the exercise of their work.

The ceasefire and the Air Force role: The separatist war in the past years led to a ten fold increase. We have to keep pace with the changing technology. The ceasefire has given us a good opportunity to focus our attention on training and ensure a much higher level of preparedness. SAARC countries like India, Pakistan and Bangladesh are helping us in training.

On the LTTE airstrip in Kilinochchi and acquisition of aircraft: This is not a secret. They have an airstrip over 1,000 metres long. We have picked up one or two aircraft. Having them does not mean they have heavy air power. We are monitoring to ascertain their plan of action. Some friendly nations that helped us during the tsunami relief operations also picked up evidence on the presence of aircraft. We are examining counter measures but details cannot be spelt out.

On fears of another outbreak of war: Although it is our duty to remain prepared, we do not hope for war. We cannot afford one. We are doing everything to co-operate in the Government’s peace efforts. We even offered to senssd troops without weapons to the Wanni to help in relief and rehabilitation work. But the LTTE declined our offer.

On future plans: With the shifting of Air Force headquarters to the 13 storied building, we propose to convert a former office into a Museum. It will depict the state of the Air Force under each Commander. This suggestion came from a former Commander, Air Marshal Oliver Ranasinghe. For the inauguration all former Air Force commanders will be invited. They will fly in a helicopter and land on the 13th floor roof top of Air Force Headquarters to participate in ceremonies.

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