Tamed CBK sent Mahinda manifesto
By Our Political Editor

Blowing hot blowing cold: A glimpse of the cold war between President Kumaratunga and presidential candidate Mahinda Rajapakse at the SLFP Wariyapola meeting. Pic by Ishara S. Kodikara

The return to Sri Lanka from France just one Saturday before was swifter. Within minutes of arrival at the airport, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was whisked away to the city in an Air Force helicopter. Her security personnel were taking no chances.

This was in marked contrast to the last occasion, the return from the United States. Then, at pre dusk she was driven along a route from the airport to her palace laden heavily with posters. Various hues of political slogans in them kindled many thoughts in her mind. She was angry.

But this time she was cool. She invited her Prime Minister and her Freedom Party's candidate, Percy Mahinda Rajapakse, for a chat in the evening that Saturday. Party General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena, she found, was at a meeting in Polonnaruwa. After reaching him on the telephone, she despatched an Air Force helicopter to ferry him to Colombo.

Rajapakse arrived at the Janadipathi Mandiraya with his wife Shiranthi. Sirisena joined in and a cordial conversation ensued. She surprised Rajapakse by asking him about Ceylon Workers Congress leader Arumugam Thondaman. She noted that he was supporting the United National Party candidate, Ranil Wickremesinghe. It was she who took Thondaman to New York and held lengthy one-on-one talks with him. In return the CWC leader had showered praise on her for all the good things she had done.

That query no doubt was a case of breaking the deeply frozen political ice. Rajapakse was aware Thondaman had had Kumaratunga's blessings. What he did not appear to know was whether she persuaded him enough to support Rajapakse. Some of Rajapakse's close advisors felt she did little except to tell the country's most powerful trade union boss to do what he felt was in the best interest of his people. That is after laying the red carpet all the way from Colombo to New York for Thonda during his first ever visit to the big apple. His journeys until then have been to neighbouring India, Singapore and Dubai.

But Kumaratunga told Rajapakse that contrary to reports, she did not advise Thondaman to support Wickremesinghe. She said when he came to meet her; the CWC leader had already made up his mind.

With the political ice thawing, Kumaratunga raised a subject that she has loved to hate - the role of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Kumaratunga said there was a view that Rajapakse was allowing the JVP to be at the forefront of his presidential election campaign. She lamented that there was no SLFP leadership at various levels spearheading the Prime Minister's campaign.

This, in fact, had been one of Rajapakse's biggest worries. Many an SLFP stalwart was unwilling lest they earn the wrath of Kumaratunga. Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva who did that was ticked off. Minister Pavithra Wanniaratchchi, head of the SLFP Women's Organisations, chose to enter hospital for a medical check-up when Rajapakse met representatives of SLFP Women's Organisations.

Rajapakse told Kumaratunga she should advise the SLFP stalwarts to put their best foot forward. She turned to Sirisena and said he should summon the party leadership down the line and tell them. The fact that the task had been placed on the shoulders of Sirisena was not too pleasing to Rajapakse. He thought Kumaratunga would do it herself. But he did not show any disappointment. The tone of the dialogue was cordial and there were liberal exchanges of pleasantries. Later, Rajapakse and wife Shiranthi withdrew.

It was now past midnight and Rajapakse was fast asleep. He was woken up by the telephone operator at Temple Trees. It was urgent. President Kumaratunga wanted to speak to him. A nervous Rajapakse wanted the call put through. He thought something worse was in store. It turned out to be a trivial matter.

Kumaratunga was raising issue over a relatively small matter after waking up a tired Rajapakse from his deep slumber. He was tired because of the cross country runs to address election meetings. "Some say the shawl that you wear is maroon. It does not reflect the SLFP," intoned Kumaratunga. She said some people thought Rajapakse had already gone to the JVP.

By Monday (October 10) Rajapakse had heeded Kumaratunga's wake up call and the pre-dawn advice. He attended meetings that day wearing a light blue shirt. Later, he switched to a dark blue shirt. He also sported a blue shawl. Even if Kumaratunga could not persuade Rajapakse to change his mind on some controversial issues like his commitment to reject the P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure) and to a unitary Sri Lanka, she had succeeded in making him change part of his attire.

That Sunday night, if Rajapakse returned to Temple Trees to retire relatively early, Kumaratunga was at a family event. She had visited her sister Sunethra for dinner. Joining in was the brother, Anura Bandaranaike, Foreign Minister, who was back in Sri Lanka only last week after a month long absence in the United States. He is to take wings again next week, this time on a three-day official visit to the Maldives. A trip to South Africa is also on the cards. What the two sisters and a brother spoke that night remains a family matter.

But if what Anura Bandaranaike declared the next day (Monday) is anything to go by, it is clear, among other matters, they did talk politics. Speaking to journalists from his official residence, former State guest house "Visumpaya," Bandaranaike declared the country could not be managed by implementing the economic policies advocated by the JVP if it was detrimental to the country.

Bandaranaike, an architect of the SLFP-JVP dominated United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA), said the P-TOMS Agreement could not be cancelled just to please the JVP and the Prime Minister should bear in mind he presented that document in Parliament. He and President Kumaratunga held the same views on the peace process and would continue talks with Tiger guerrillas. Bandaranaike had also discussed the same subjects in one-on-one talks he held with Thondaman earlier.

When Bandaranaike uttered those words, Rajapakse was on his way to Bandarawela after having addressed a meeting at Badulla. His mobile phone rang. A friend conveyed to him the remarks. "Are you sure," he asked the caller, a personal friend and added "I must check on this to find out whether it is correct." By the time he reached Bandarawela, Rajapakse had confirmed the remarks had in fact been made.

"Did you hear what Anura Bandaranaike has said? See this man. He wants to hand over the presidency to Ranil Wickremesinghe," Rajapakse told JVP's Nandana Gunatilleke who greeted him. Rajapakse complained that "it is becoming increasingly clear to me that they do not want me to win this election. They are not allowing me to conduct this campaign."

The same evening he arrived in Gampaha to address a JVP-organised rally. There he met JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe and complained about the same matter. During his speech, JVP fire brand Wimal Weerawansa threw a broad hint. He said the late S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike returned to Sri Lanka after his Oxford days in bowler hat, suit and tie. But he learnt of the national uprising in Sri Lanka.

That is why he gave up that attire and changed to national dress. He carved a niche for himself as one of the country's national leaders. But there were others who could not see or appreciate this transformation, said Weerawansa without making any reference to Bandaranaike. Even Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe was trying to adopt a nationalistic posture in his election campaign.

By Tuesday, Rajapakse loyalists and his staunch allies in the JVP were worried. Kumaratunga was arriving at Wariyapola to address the first rally for Rajapakse. Just the day before, Police in Marawila had found a sniper rifle, ammunition, two pistols and a grenade abandoned near a field. The sceptics thought it was a ploy and Kumaratunga would not attend. But her security staff, like top rung intelligence officials, strongly suspected it could have been meant for use against her.

They preferred if she did not go for the meeting. But she was adamant. Particularly in the wake of mounting criticism that she was not extending full support to Rajapakse, ahead of her UK visit, she wanted to be there. The security staff dismantled a stage already built and had one re-constructed according to their requirements.

The worries were over what she would say at the rally. Fears were heightened after she wanted the state run Rupavahini to provide a live telecast of her speech. Was she going to give Rajapakse a nationally televised telling off? There was so much anxiety that Rajapakse who addressed a rally in Elpitiya was to remark to a friend "I don't know what is going to happen tomorrow." The Rupavahini had already made arrangements for the live telecast. At the eleventh hour it was called off. What was the reason?

News had reached Kumaratunga that a plan was afoot to jeer and hoot if she made any remarks that were critical of Rajapakse or the JVP. Hence, she had chosen to be careful about what she was going to say. She did not want a live telecast to show an entire nation the ignominy she may suffer if there was jeering and hooting. This is notwithstanding twenty busloads of supporters her loyalist Deputy Transport Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna had moved from Attanagalla and Mahara electorates for the meeting.

It was only when she was on the stage did she learn that brother Anura was absent. She called an aide of the latter and asked where he was. "You all should have brought him,"

she said. But the helpless aide said he should arrive any minute. But Bandaranaike, one source said, had learnt of a move to jeer and hoot him when he would mount the stage. Hence, he chose to cancel his journey, and have a nap instead at Visumpaya rather than travel to Wariyapola.
Anura Bandaranaike also caused some embarrassment to a personal friend. He asked a leading businessman friend to tell Premier Rajapakse that he needed no letters from him assuring the post of Prime Minister or Foreign Minister.

It was his father's, and then mother's and now sister's party, he pointed out. Rajapakse who knew the friend had approached Minister Mangala Samaraweera and conveyed the request laughed it off. "Why should I be told of this? If he says he had not made such a demand, he should send a denial to those who reported it," Rajapakse told the businessman. But Bandaranaike who is known for his public pronouncements and subsequent denials ignored the advice.

Kumaratunga herself appears to have backtracked. If she insisted earlier that there should be a federal solution to the ethnic issue, she told the Wariyapola rally that there should be devolution of power. Was she now agreeing with Rajapakse? He also wants devolution of power but is to spell out the parameters in his manifesto titled the Mahinda Chintana. The duo also had heated arguments with each other whilst seated on the stage when others spoke.

With the meeting over, the sister had ticked off the brother for not taking part in the Wariyapola rally. Relenting under pressure, Anura Bandaranaike told his uncle and former Deputy Defence Minister, Anuruddha Ratwatte, he would attend a meeting of SLFP organisers of the Gampaha district in Mirigama yesterday. He told the Mirigama rally that he had policy differences with Rajapakse but urged the public to vote for Rajapakse. However, Bandaranaike left the meeting before Rajapakse arrived.

ajapakse was due to address. Ratwatte had been named co-ordinator of Rajapakse's election campaign in the Gampaha district, significantly taken away from the Kandy district, which was his turf once. Bandaranaike also said he would reserve a room at his Visumpaya state guest house for campaign staff during the Rajapakse election campaign.

Behind the scenes, a more significant development was taking place. Rajapakse was awake till the wee hours of the morning on Friday. Throughout Thursday night he was finalising the Mahinda Chinthana, his election manifesto. He went through the provisions, clause by clause. He invited Treasury officials to obtain their views on some of the economic policies to be enunciated. EPDP leader Douglas Devananda was asked for his observations. So were some Muslim parliamentarians. Obtaining the approval of members of a team chaired by him and named by the SLFP Central Committee became an onerous task.

Some members of the Committee were in different parts of the country engaged in election work. Rohita Bogollagama had to appeal to the Chief Minister of the Central Province, Sarath Ekanayake to arrange for a car to bring to Colombo, Gamini Keerawella, a nominee of Kumaratunga. His vehicle had broken down. D.M. Jayaratne drove from Gampola and Maithripala Sirisena, the SLFP General Secretary from Polonnaruwa.
John Seneviratne had arrived from Dambulla. Dinesh Gunawardena and D.E.W. Gunasekera were given copies. One after another, they began endorsing the document.

In the early hours of Friday morning the biggest question was how to ensure President Kumaratunga saw a copy. Rajapakse was very keen to ensure there were no complaints that the manifesto was smuggled through whilst she was away in the UK. The task was given to Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva. He got in touch with the Sri Lanka High Commissioner to Britain, Kshenuka Seneviratne and said the manifesto was coming in a Sri Lankan airlines flight. He asked her to make sure it was hand delivered to Kumaratunga.

A Sri Lankan Airlines flight on Friday afternoon carried the manifesto to London. Also going in the same flight was a pair of reading glasses which Kumaratunga had forgotten to take when she emplaned. That would, no doubt become necessary when she begins poring over the manifesto whilst in London - and reading between the lines as well.

The manifesto is to be formally released at a ceremony at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH) on Tuesday. However, today copies are expected to be issued to leaders of political parties backing Rajapakse's candidature. Our Defence Correspondent reveals on the next page some aspects of the manifesto relating to the ethnic issue, national security and security forces.

With all this over, there are still more hurdles for Rajapakse. His aides now complain that Kumaratunga had changed earlier plans to address seven rallies. Instead, they say, she is to take part in only three or four more. Kumaratunga left for Britain on Thursday. On her return, she is to pay a visit to Malta and later to Bangladesh. They also complain that SLFP funds have not been made available for Rajapakse's election campaign.
The dilemma of most district and national level leaders of the SLFP is bound to continue. This is with Kumaratunga and brother Anura blowing hot and cold over their support to the candidature of Rajapakse.

This week, Leader of the Opposition and UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe told a news conference he would invite the SLFP to join hands to resolve the ethnic issue. His offer was further amplified by a former UNP Cabinet minister who is now organiser for Kotte.

Ravi Karunanayake told a meeting of the UNP Balamandalaya for Kotte the UNP would invite all anti JVP forces in the SLFP to join hands after the presidential elections. Thereafter, a victorious President Wickremesinghe will clean up the SLFP and hand it back to Kumaratunga and Anura.
If that is going to be UNP's policy, the major opposition party also wants to become the launderer to cleanse the SLFP. No doubt Kumaratunga and Anura would be happy to have the help of the UNP to run the SLFP as their family business.

This happened once before when President Junius Jayewardene handed over the SLFP headquarters to the SLFP (M) headed by Maithripala Senanayake and Anura Bandaranaike in the 1980s.

But what if it does not happen? Would that portend the end of the Bandaranaike dynasty in Sri Lanka? November 17 will provide the answer.

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