Editorial  

Rajapakse's peace agenda
Ten days into the Mahinda Rajapakse Presidency and we are already seeing some confusion, as the newly elected leader transforms his Mahinda Chintanaya into state policy, especially with regard to the peace process with the LTTE.

Faithful to his mandate, which is essentially from the South of the country, President Rajapakse has reiterated his Government's position that there shall be no change in the country's unitary nature.

This is sharply at variance with the view of his opponent Ranil Wickremesinghe who said he would strive for a united Sri Lanka, a euphemism for federalism, something the outgoing President Chandrika Kumaratunga also espoused almost as her own idea towards the end of her tenure.

In his address to Parliament on Friday, President Rajapakse referred to some shortcomings in the peace process during the UPFA government, of which he was a member, saying that the dialogue with the LTTE did not embrace other stakeholders. It was a modest parting shot at the departing President.
President Rajapakse's biggest dilemma is the way in which the peace facilitator, Norway, should be handled. He has addressed the nation twice since assuming office, and on neither occasion has he referred to the role of Norway.

Though it's mum's the word on Norway from the President, it’s also ironic that less than two decades after accusing India of interfering in Sri Lanka's domestic affairs and saying "hands off", governments political parties and the people are now pleading with our great neighbour for a "hands on" policy and to dive headlong into the peace process or if not lend a lifesaving helping hand.

In recent history, however, the same governments and political parties asked the people to boycott Indian goods, and a lady Corporation Chairman was shot for importing Indian pharmaceutical products cheaper and more affordable than the Western drugs imported at the time.

But, perhaps, the policy change concerning India was not just on account of fact that successive governments, political parties and the local people have been fickle in their allegiances. The Indian government has itself reversed its role from having fed the Tiger cub in its initial stages to fearing the grown animal.

Should India play a direct role, is a question that merits an answer now. India seems rather wary at having to get directly involved in such an exercise, though it has veered from absolute disinterest to what its diplomats call a "looking forward to direct discussions" in the peace process.

The regional superpower acquired a bloody nose in its previous excursions here in the form of the IPKF, but there also a feeling among the Indian Establishment that all they got from Sri Lanka was ingratitude. Those who think so might well consider that this attitude was predicated by the brusque manner in which India intervened in the first place.

President Rajapakse has also referred to "other regional States" assisting in the peace process and political analysts believe the countries he had in mind were Pakistan and China, countries that India would view with some reservation -- to put it mildly. For good measure, he included the United Nations also, just to make sure nobody was left out of the peace process.

Norway undoubtedly did not win the approval of the majority of Sri Lankans for its handling of the peace process. No doubt, they had to win the LTTE's confidence, and went out of their way to please the LTTE to that end. But their larger imperative was to be honest-broker, and Norway did very little to show they were that as far as the majority Sri Lankans were concerned.
There is a trace of muddled thinking discernible here. On the one hand the President is trying to play along by the traditional rules of the conflict resolution game, on the other he is trying to please the forces on whose shoulders he rode and won the Presidency. He is trying to sound nationalistic without sounding jingoistic.

What is required is some serious analysis. In his address to Parliament, the President said he read the UNP manifesto and found on page 35 a reference to the teaching of English for all. He pronounced that he would like to adopt that proposal, and give credit to them for it. On more important matters, likewise, there is no harm in taking at least some of the ideas the UNP had in settling the northern insurgency, and analysing these ideas with a view to optimising the result for the peace process. For what it’s worth the President has committed himself to a unitary state, and this would push the LTTE leader to probably say something strong today in his much-hyped and awaited Maveerar speech.

In some quarters the view is that there is enough pussyfooting with the LTTE, what's needed being tough talk and straight talk. But, this approach necessarily also means that one has to prepare for eventualities. It necessarily posits a preparation for an outbreak of war, and preparing the people for hostilities and inevitable hard times to follow.


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