Rajapakse's
peace agenda
Ten days into the Mahinda Rajapakse Presidency and we are already
seeing some confusion, as the newly elected leader transforms his
Mahinda Chintanaya into state policy, especially with regard to
the peace process with the LTTE.
Faithful
to his mandate, which is essentially from the South of the country,
President Rajapakse has reiterated his Government's position that
there shall be no change in the country's unitary nature.
This
is sharply at variance with the view of his opponent Ranil Wickremesinghe
who said he would strive for a united Sri Lanka, a euphemism for
federalism, something the outgoing President Chandrika Kumaratunga
also espoused almost as her own idea towards the end of her tenure.
In
his address to Parliament on Friday, President Rajapakse referred
to some shortcomings in the peace process during the UPFA government,
of which he was a member, saying that the dialogue with the LTTE
did not embrace other stakeholders. It was a modest parting shot
at the departing President.
President Rajapakse's biggest dilemma is the way in which the peace
facilitator, Norway, should be handled. He has addressed the nation
twice since assuming office, and on neither occasion has he referred
to the role of Norway.
Though
it's mum's the word on Norway from the President, it’s also
ironic that less than two decades after accusing India of interfering
in Sri Lanka's domestic affairs and saying "hands off",
governments political parties and the people are now pleading with
our great neighbour for a "hands on" policy and to dive
headlong into the peace process or if not lend a lifesaving helping
hand.
In
recent history, however, the same governments and political parties
asked the people to boycott Indian goods, and a lady Corporation
Chairman was shot for importing Indian pharmaceutical products cheaper
and more affordable than the Western drugs imported at the time.
But,
perhaps, the policy change concerning India was not just on account
of fact that successive governments, political parties and the local
people have been fickle in their allegiances. The Indian government
has itself reversed its role from having fed the Tiger cub in its
initial stages to fearing the grown animal.
Should
India play a direct role, is a question that merits an answer now.
India seems rather wary at having to get directly involved in such
an exercise, though it has veered from absolute disinterest to what
its diplomats call a "looking forward to direct discussions"
in the peace process.
The
regional superpower acquired a bloody nose in its previous excursions
here in the form of the IPKF, but there also a feeling among the
Indian Establishment that all they got from Sri Lanka was ingratitude.
Those who think so might well consider that this attitude was predicated
by the brusque manner in which India intervened in the first place.
President
Rajapakse has also referred to "other regional States"
assisting in the peace process and political analysts believe the
countries he had in mind were Pakistan and China, countries that
India would view with some reservation -- to put it mildly. For
good measure, he included the United Nations also, just to make
sure nobody was left out of the peace process.
Norway
undoubtedly did not win the approval of the majority of Sri Lankans
for its handling of the peace process. No doubt, they had to win
the LTTE's confidence, and went out of their way to please the LTTE
to that end. But their larger imperative was to be honest-broker,
and Norway did very little to show they were that as far as the
majority Sri Lankans were concerned.
There is a trace of muddled thinking discernible here. On the one
hand the President is trying to play along by the traditional rules
of the conflict resolution game, on the other he is trying to please
the forces on whose shoulders he rode and won the Presidency. He
is trying to sound nationalistic without sounding jingoistic.
What
is required is some serious analysis. In his address to Parliament,
the President said he read the UNP manifesto and found on page 35
a reference to the teaching of English for all. He pronounced that
he would like to adopt that proposal, and give credit to them for
it. On more important matters, likewise, there is no harm in taking
at least some of the ideas the UNP had in settling the northern
insurgency, and analysing these ideas with a view to optimising
the result for the peace process. For what it’s worth the
President has committed himself to a unitary state, and this would
push the LTTE leader to probably say something strong today in his
much-hyped and awaited Maveerar speech.
In
some quarters the view is that there is enough pussyfooting with
the LTTE, what's needed being tough talk and straight talk. But,
this approach necessarily also means that one has to prepare for
eventualities. It necessarily posits a preparation for an outbreak
of war, and preparing the people for hostilities and inevitable
hard times to follow.
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