No unitary, no united, no India
By Our Political Editor
Within hours of the Sri Lankan Airlines Airbus A-330 touching down at the Bandaranaike International Airport after an hour long flight from Cochin, President Rajapakse was in a jubilant mood. He told close friends and associates that his state visit to India, the first he undertook since becoming President in November, last year, was a resounding success.

No doubt. Interaction and exchange of niceties between heads of state and governments of two nations, governed by smiles and polite diplomacy, are always laudable. Such exchanges develop closer understanding and spawn greater goodwill.

India, like the good big brother she is, bestowed a basket of goodies in the form of financial and technical assistance, a 150-bed hospital for Dickoya and many more. Such things had to come only because Rajapakse went to India and that, no debate, was a successful outcome.
But there were the politicians, priests, scholars, students, businessmen, bureaucrats and the bulk of average Sri Lankans who hoped there would be bigger successes and good news on the burning issue in the country -- the stalled peace process and the recent outbreak of violence in the North and East. Alas, India only ended up offering "intellectual and academic resources in support of the peace process." In that respect Rajapakse and party returned empty-handed.

Other than that, a five-page joint statement only made references that were mostly repeats of joint statements that have come out whenever a Sri Lankan dignitary visited New Delhi. Of course there was one difference -- a change from the visit of Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera's to New Delhi soon after assuming office. In late November, last year, Samaraweera spoke with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who holds the foreign affairs portfolio.

A joint statement issued later saw Samaraweera acknowldeging India's stand of a settlement to the ethnic conflict within a "united Sri Lanka". Lost in the wind was Rajapakse's much publicised commitment to a settlement within a "unitary Sri Lanka". It appeared that Samaraweera, now going through his montessori lessons in diplomacy, had dared not raise issue.

This time Rajapakse and Manmohan Singh left out references to both issues. The joint statement only said: "The President of Sri Lanka briefed the Indian leadership on his approach to the peace process to achieve maximum devolution which preserves the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. The two sides agreed that an enduring solution can emerge only through internal political processes that promote consensus and reconciliation….."

Even before Rajapakse left for New Delhi, a JVP delegation, conscious of Samaraweera's assertions, cautioned Rajapakse to properly articulate his Government's stance.

There was, therefore, neither a reference to "unitary" (Sri Lanka), nor "united" (India). So, here at least, it seemed, that Sri Lanka was able to claim a moral victory by getting India to coin the non-controversial word "undivided" into the lexicon.

"The Indian side expressed the hope that a political settlement of the ethnic issue based on…", the joint communiqué said "… so as to ensure a peaceful and bright future for all Sri Lankans in an undivided and democratic Sri Lanka".

After the formal round of talks between Rajapakse and Singh (together with their official sides) had ended, a 15 minute one-on-one meeting had been slotted in. This saw the two leaders exchanging views frankly on critical bi-lateral issues including the ethnic conflict and mounting violence by Tiger guerrillas. The meeting exceeded an hour and had to be called off after Singh's aides intervened to say his next engagement was lagging behind.

But when the talks ended, it was clear India was keen to ensure Sri Lanka continued with the peace process. That is with Norwegian facilitation. New Delhi did not wish to play a direct role or be an equal partner in the donor co-chair community. In other words it was status quo -- the same position that had prevailed even before Rajapakse and party undertook the India visit.

Like the platitudes connected with the visit, there were pitfalls too. Rajapakse was forced to end his visit in Cochin instead of Chennai. Chief Minister, Jeyalalitha Jeyaram had decided not to meet him. Tamil Nadu newspapers had also turned hostile with editorials against Rajapakse. Political parties who are constituent partners in the Congress Government in New Delhi had also planned protest rallies if Rajapakse and party arrived in Chennai.

Whilst Rajapakse and entourage were still in India, Norway issued a statement that Erik Solheim, Special Envoy and Minister for International Development would be in Sri Lanka to explore "how the peace process can be moved forward".

Some senior Foreign Ministry officials were clearly embarrassed by this announcement which they say came without their concurrence. But Solheim tried to meet Rajapakse when he was in New Delhi. When this was turned down, he asked Samaraweera whether he could meet him in the Indian capital. He said he would be as busy as the President. Then he wanted to know whether he could come in the first week of January.

amaraweera said he would be leaving on January 3 to Washington D.C. to meet US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice. This was on an invitation from the US Government. Hence, Samaraweera had declared he would be free only after January 23. Hence Solheim made that announcement.
Foreign Ministry officials believe there is another reason for the Norwegian Foreign Ministry to issue that press release about the Solheim visit. It came on the very day sections of the media in Oslo and later in Colombo reported that Solheim has chosen to opt out of the peace process.

The Norwegian Government wanted to prove that was wrong and Solheim was very much involved. That is notwithstanding the plea made by Samaraweera to replace Solheim when he met Norway's Foreign Minister, Jonas Gahr Store. The latter had told Samaraweera at that stage that he would meet to consult Solheim on this. Obviously, the Samaraweera plea has fallen on deaf Norwegian ears. Solheim would handle the peace process. However, the Norwegians would name a Special Envoy and a team to tackle day-to-day matters under Solheim's supervision. This was because he had other duties as a cabinet minister.

During his visit this time, even if he meets Samaraweera, it is unlikely that Solheim will receive an appointment to meet Rajapakse. Norwegian officials say he also has plans to meet LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran when he visits Kilinochchi. This is on the basis that he is now a Cabinet Minister in Norway and hence felt further meetings should go beyond one-on-one with LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan.

In any case, the Foreign Ministry now has to confirm it is ready for the Solheim visit. And there is no way out now but to do so since Samaraweera has confirmed his availability after January 23. As one wag remarked, it was a case of Samaraweera eating more humble pie now. Failing to persuade Norway's Foreign Minister to remove Solheim, he now has to shake his hand. This time the pie was not made in the kitchens of New Delhi, but in Colombo.

President Rajapakse's entourage for the India visit comprised a 48- member delegation and flew in an aircraft chartered from SriLankan Airlines, prompting locals to refer to the trip as a vandana gamana or pilgrimage party. A noticeable feature when they travelled was the lengthy motorcade that snaked its way through New Delhi streets. It took more than five to eight minutes to pass a point. Unlike the lavish former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mrs. Rajapakse spent only 55 dollars on the upward journey to buy a necklace from the SriLankan on board duty free facility. On the return journey her husband paid US $ 47 for an after shave lotion.

There were also some disturbing distractions. The Indian Government played host to all members of President Rajapakse's entourage. They were accommodated in a hotel. But Minister of Enterprise Development and Investment Promotion, Rohitha Bogollagama was an exception. Earlier, he had sought Rajapakse's permission to take along his wife Deepthi and security men. Upon arrival in New Delhi, he chose to check in to another hotel. Of course, the Indian Government did not foot that bill. Instead, Bogollagama has asked the Board of Investment (BOI) in Colombo to pay for it. Rajapakse was too busy to focus on the issue whilst in India. Upon his return, he has now asked Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga to obtain the amounts paid by the BOI. He wants to speak to Bogollagama about the abuse of authority and waste of public funds.

Conspicuous by his absence during deliberations by Rajapakse with Indian leaders was Defence Minister Pranab Mukherji. However, the Rajapakse sibling Gothabaya, Defence Secretary who was in the delegation together with other officials talked to their counterparts in the Indian defence establishment. Insiders said co-operation in the field of air and coastal defence also figured during the talks.

But a more significant event relating to defence and security took place in Colombo on December 24, before Rajapakse left for New Delhi. That was a meeting of party leaders in the Rajapakse Government. Among those taking part were Somawansa Amerasinghe, Wimal Weerawansa(JVP), Dinesh Gunawardena (MEP), Douglas Devananda (EPDP). M. Athaulla (National Muslim Congress), Tissa Vitharana (LSSP) and D.E.W. Gunasekera (CP).

Rajapakse briefed them on the previous day's meeting of the National Security Council. This was after a claymore mine explosion caused the deaths of 13 Navy personnal on December 23.

Rajapakse said he received a call from United National Party and Opposition leader, Ranil Wickremasinghe. He had asked how many were killed. "I told him 13 Navy men have died but he told me his information was that it was 20 or 30." Rajapakse said that was how UNPers were viewing the incidents. He said he was careful to make sure the correct details were given since he did not want to see a backlash in the south.
Rajapakse also said he had urged envoys of the donor co-chairs to visit Kilinochchi and ascertain from the LTTE whether it was committed to the ceasefire. Following a discussion at the Council, Prime Minister, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake had been entrusted with the task of briefing the envoys. Rajapakse said the LTTE had two aims -- one was to trigger off another war and get the government to go on their knees to them.

The remarks drew a response from Wimal Weerawansa. He said the President should tell Ranil Wickremesinghe to restrain two of his favourite newspapers. He named the newspapers and said they should be told not to inflame passions in the south. Rajapakse did follow suit by talking to Wickremesinghe.

Douglas Devananda said the LTTE began its campaign of violence under the ceasefire by killing Tamil informants, then members of rival Tamil political parties and embarked on eliminating military informants.
JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe wanted an action group be formed to educate the people on LTTE activities. This is particularly the campaign of violence it was now engaged in.

Some leaders of parties supporting the Government have also begun to voice concerns over a highly disturbing situation in the Ministry of Defence. They say an absolute lack of checks and balances has led to a serious situation developing in the Army.

Senior officers, who are said to have not met with favour of the leadership, have been posted to positions in the field held by very junior officers. Last week, a newly promoted Brigadier has been named to a pivotal position held always by a Major General. These developments have led to moves by some senior officers to retire from service and complaints of lowering morale. In the past, high level appointments in the Army were made only after they were first cleared by the President who is Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief. If this procedure was followed, a party leader told The Sunday Times, he would not have placed "round pegs in square holes to please seniors who disliked them."

The new Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, has repeatedly told top level conferences in the Jaffna peninsula that four persons have given him full authority to do what he wants to "clean up the Army." Hence, he said he would not tolerate any obstruction or protest over his actions. The four named were President Rajapakse, Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga, Senior Defence Adviser to the President, Major General (retired) M.D. Fernando and Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse.
The leadership of at least one political party is concerned about reports that they received representations from senior officers in the field about morale problems and their intention to retire.

They say the Army will have to bear the brunt in the event of resumption of hostilities by Tiger guerrillas. Hence, they say, it is incumbent on those responsible at the Ministry of Defence to ensure proper checks and balances to ensure senior officers do not exceed the Government's brief or policies and embark on their own personal courses of action.

They are to raise issue over this matter with President Rajapakse. On the next page, our Defence Correspondent deals with the disturbing security situation in the North and plans by the LTTE to step up violence.
Both in the peace talks and in the security front it is becoming increasingly imperative that President Rajapakse takes a much closer look. It is he and his Government that has to answer to the people who have voted them to power. They should act before it is too late.

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