Political Column  

JVP has its say, Govt. its way
By Our Political Editor


A heavily garlanded President Mahinda Rajapaksa arriving at a Nuwara Eiliya for elections meeting with his new ally, the CWC. Pic by Sugath Silva

When the going gets tough for the shaky peace process, past experience has shown that it is the Norwegian facilitator who bears the brunt of it. It was no different this week.

The Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) both took up cudgels with the peace makers. Foreign Secretary H.M.G.S. Palihakkara met Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar last Monday afternoon to express Government's displeasure over Oslo extending official guest status and a red carpet welcome to the LTTE delegation. This was when the team for last month's Geneva talks, with the exception of their chief negotiator Anton Balasingham, went to Oslo. The 12 member group was led by their Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan.

A report in The Sunday Times (Situation Report) last week that a Palihakkara-Brattskar meeting took place on Thursday (March 9) drew a denial both from the Foreign Ministry and the spokesman for the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo. Senior mandarins in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs claimed there was no "factual basis" for such a report. This turned out to be a smokescreen to keep away from the public some significant developments of great concern to Sri Lankans, or for that matter the international community.

Wimal Weerawansa, parliamentary group leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a constituent partner of the Government, had raised protests in no higher assembly than the nation's legislature over the Norwegian welcome for the LTTE team. At a conference chaired by Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, it was announced that Foreign Secretary Palihakkara would meet Mr. Brattskar to express the Government's concern. The Norwegian Ambassador was away in Bangkok. Hence, the meeting took place last Monday.

On the opposite page our Defence Correspondent bares the futile attempts of self-styled local Henry Kissingers to take cover under "confidential diplomatic discussions" and make lofty claims of willingness to "dialogue with the media."

Mr. Weerawansa’s statements Norway's Minister for International Development, Erik Solheim, to try to reach out on the telephone to Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera. He was on a European tour and could not be contacted. This week there were erroneous reports that Mr. Solheim was bowing out of the peace process. To the contrary, he will continue to be at the centre stage. However, the task of playing the role of a special envoy has been placed in the hands of Jon Hanssen-Bauyer, a fromer senior advisor in the section for peace and reconciliation in the Norwegian Foreign Ministry. He will be a functionary reporting directly to Mr. Solheim.

When Mr. Solheim's efforts to contact Minister Samaraweera failed, he telephoned Health Minister and Chief Government negotiator, Nimal Siripala de Silva. Aides to President Mahinda Rajapaksa strongly denied misleading reports this week that Mr. Solheim made a telephone call to President Rajapaksa. This was further confirmed by the official spokesman of the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo, Tom Knapskogg. He told The Sunday Times "we are not aware of any such telephone call."

Mr Solheim told Minister de Silva that LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham was upset by attacks on their cadres by paramilitary groups. It was Mr. Balasingham's (or the LTTE's view) that the Government was not doing anything about it. Mr de Silva asked Mr. Solheim to convey to Mr. Balasingham that -- with the ceasefire in place --- Sri Lankan security forces and police were operating only in "controlled" or Government-held areas. The incidents were being reported from "uncontrolled" areas. It was not possible for Government troops to go into these areas in view of the ceasefire. Moreover, if that happened, it was the LTTE that would accuse the Government forces of violating the ceasefire.

Foreign Ministry sources told The Sunday Times that Mr Solheim also raised with Minister de Silva the statement by JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa that Norway be removed immediately from the role of a facilitator of the peace process. He said such statements were not encouraging.

Minister de Silva responded by telling Mr. Solheim he should remember that the Government in power in Sri Lanka was a coalition. Constituent parties were entitled to make their views known. The Government had to pay heed to their concerns. This was particularly in view of the fact that these parties were supporting Government's commitment for a peaceful settlement to the ethnic conflict. He pointed out that if the Government does not pay heed to their concerns, it would be difficult to keep them in the peace process, these sources added.

In responding to the issues raised by Mr. Solheim, the Government's chief negotiator Minister de Silva has firmly spelt out the official position. More importantly, he has explained the rationale why the Government had to raise issue with Norway over the official-level welcome the LTTE delegation received in Oslo. This was after its constituent partner, the JVP, called for action. This is notwithstanding attempts by the Foreign Office in Colombo to obscure matters and divert attention over an issue in which their own Minister (Mangala Samaraweera) has initiated action.
Concerns about the LTTE delegation's visit to Oslo grew further after detailed reports of their activities there began reaching the Government. The delegation which was in Oslo from February 27 to March 4 met Foreign Minister Jonas Store Gahr, his predecessor Jan Petersen, Erik Solheim and the leader of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee. The Annai Poopathi building in Oslo run by Tiger guerrilla activists was the centre of a five-hour meeting with the Tamil diaspora in Norway. The Annai Poopathy building also houses a school run by the LTTE activists in Norway.

Mr Thamilselvan spoke about how they were smart enough in arguing with the Sri Lanka delegation at the Geneva talks. He said the LTTE delegation had the upper hand and how they forced Minister Ferial Ashraff to "shut up" when she raised the issue of child soldiers. He claimed that some military members of the Sri Lanka delegation were removed from the first to the rear row before talks commenced in Geneva. But the most important event in Norway for the LTTE turned out to be fund raising. Several Tamil businessmen made substantial contributions to Mr. Thamilselvan and party.

If the Foreign Office in Colombo wanted to remain secretive and keep Sri Lankans in the dark on most issues, it was not so in the LTTE-controlled Wanni. Though part of the LTTE action may be posturing or psychological warfare on the Government, there were yet rumblings over the upcoming round of Geneva talks on April 19, 20 and 21. The LTTE took up cudgels with Ambassador Brattskar when he visited Wanni last Thursday. Mr. Thamilselvan echoed the concerns of their chief negotiator, Mr. Balasingham. He accused the Government of reneging on "the assurance" given in Geneva last month to disband 'paramilitary' or more appropriately, illegal armed groups.

The widely accessed pro-LTTE website Tamilnet carried a question and answer interview with Mr. Thamilselvan after his meeting with Ambassador Brattskar. A few questions and answers reflect the LTTE thinking:

Question: Did you discuss matters related to the paramilitary issue? The Government of Sri Lanka says no paramilitaries operating in the Government-controlled areas, but the SLMM says there are:

Answer: We have pointed the contradictory statements from different sections of the Sri Lanka Government and the continuing political duplicity to the Norwegian Ambassador. No one, including the International Community, will look favourably at the GOSL's position when after agreeing to disarm the paramilitaries at the Geneva talks, the Government says they have no links to the paramilitaries.

Question: What do you think of the prospects for the next round of talks?
Answer: It is urgent and a moral obligation for both parties to implement agreements made in Geneva. If there is reluctance on meeting these obligations then our future efforts towards peace process will have to be reviewed.

Senior Government officials insist that the LTTE's threats to keep off from the next round of talks in Geneva were nothing more than rhetoric. They say the Government was not deterred by this, and was making preparations for these talks. In the coming week or two, members of the Sri Lanka delegation are to be given another round of orientation courses to fully prepare themselves.

For the moment, President Mahinda Rajapaksa appears to be pre-occupied with the local polls. Police reports had told him of a groundswell for the JVP. Hence, he has taken over the reins of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party political campaign himself. On Friday he addressed rallies in Moneragala. Yesterday, he was off to Nuwara Eliya on the campaign trail and for a series of receptions organised by his new-found ally, the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader, Arumugam Thondaman. The latter's party is contesting the local polls under the UPFA's betel leaf. Mr. Thondaman will campaign for the UPFA in the plantation areas of Rangala (Kandy district) this week.

The Police reports of JVP gains at the local polls also became the subject of discussion by President Rajapaksa at a meeting with some ministers after the Cabinet sessions ended last Wednesday. It was decided at this meeting to launch TV commercials and an advertising campaign in the Sunday Sinhala media. Mr. Dulles Allahaperuma, MP has been given the responsibility of co-ordinating the campaign.

While the local polls has its local interests, the upcoming Round two of the peace talks will be upper-most in the minds of the powers-that-be, and while the parties battle it out on the battle-fields of local constituencies, the leadership on both sides is aware of the importance of Geneva II.

On Friday, in Colombo's popular with the foreigners, 'Gallery Café' restaurant, Government chief neogotiator Nimal Siripala de Silva sat down for lunch with his predecessor G.L. Peiris, both of whom were hosted to lunch.

There's nothing called a free lunch they say, and both of them had to brief visiting Australian Minister of Emigration and Multi-Culture Amanada Venstonse on the current peace process.

The duo was subjected to a grilling themselves, even by High Commission staff and visiting members of the Venstonse entourage.

Mr. De Silva was the man of the hour, no doubt, and had to face the battery of questions; the top concern seemed to be not whether the LTTE is an obstacle to peace, but whether the JVP would be obstructionist. The now quickly seasoning Minister negotiated that one; he had already faced the same question from Erik Solheim earlier in the week. He said "we are like India, a democracy, a coalition government… we will listen to the JVP but not be controlled by them…our objective is to strike a balance".

Then he was asked for details of how they found the LTTE delegation, how effective Mr. Anton Balasingham was etc; and as Mr. de Silva, now the cynosure of attention, went describing things, Prof. Peiris could take it no more.

He butted in; "Bala is best in the mornings", he said. And on that note the lunch ended as the Venstonse delegation adjourned for their afternoon schedule.


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