JVP
has its say, Govt. its way
By
Our Political Editor
A heavily garlanded President Mahinda Rajapaksa arriving at
a Nuwara Eiliya for elections meeting with his new ally, the
CWC. Pic by Sugath Silva |
When
the going gets tough for the shaky peace process, past experience
has shown that it is the Norwegian facilitator who bears the brunt
of it. It was no different this week.
The
Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE) both took up cudgels with the peace makers. Foreign Secretary
H.M.G.S. Palihakkara met Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar last
Monday afternoon to express Government's displeasure over Oslo extending
official guest status and a red carpet welcome to the LTTE delegation.
This was when the team for last month's Geneva talks, with the exception
of their chief negotiator Anton Balasingham, went to Oslo. The 12
member group was led by their Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan.
A
report in The Sunday Times (Situation Report) last week that a Palihakkara-Brattskar
meeting took place on Thursday (March 9) drew a denial both from
the Foreign Ministry and the spokesman for the Norwegian Embassy
in Colombo. Senior mandarins in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
claimed there was no "factual basis" for such a report.
This turned out to be a smokescreen to keep away from the public
some significant developments of great concern to Sri Lankans, or
for that matter the international community.
Wimal
Weerawansa, parliamentary group leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna
(JVP), a constituent partner of the Government, had raised protests
in no higher assembly than the nation's legislature over the Norwegian
welcome for the LTTE team. At a conference chaired by Foreign Minister
Mangala Samaraweera, it was announced that Foreign Secretary Palihakkara
would meet Mr. Brattskar to express the Government's concern. The
Norwegian Ambassador was away in Bangkok. Hence, the meeting took
place last Monday.
On
the opposite page our Defence Correspondent bares the futile attempts
of self-styled local Henry Kissingers to take cover under "confidential
diplomatic discussions" and make lofty claims of willingness
to "dialogue with the media."
Mr.
Weerawansa’s statements Norway's Minister for International
Development, Erik Solheim, to try to reach out on the telephone
to Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera. He was on a European tour
and could not be contacted. This week there were erroneous reports
that Mr. Solheim was bowing out of the peace process. To the contrary,
he will continue to be at the centre stage. However, the task of
playing the role of a special envoy has been placed in the hands
of Jon Hanssen-Bauyer, a fromer senior advisor in the section for
peace and reconciliation in the Norwegian Foreign Ministry. He will
be a functionary reporting directly to Mr. Solheim.
When
Mr. Solheim's efforts to contact Minister Samaraweera failed, he
telephoned Health Minister and Chief Government negotiator, Nimal
Siripala de Silva. Aides to President Mahinda Rajapaksa strongly
denied misleading reports this week that Mr. Solheim made a telephone
call to President Rajapaksa. This was further confirmed by the official
spokesman of the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo, Tom Knapskogg. He
told The Sunday Times "we are not aware of any such telephone
call."
Mr
Solheim told Minister de Silva that LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton
Balasingham was upset by attacks on their cadres by paramilitary
groups. It was Mr. Balasingham's (or the LTTE's view) that the Government
was not doing anything about it. Mr de Silva asked Mr. Solheim to
convey to Mr. Balasingham that -- with the ceasefire in place ---
Sri Lankan security forces and police were operating only in "controlled"
or Government-held areas. The incidents were being reported from
"uncontrolled" areas. It was not possible for Government
troops to go into these areas in view of the ceasefire. Moreover,
if that happened, it was the LTTE that would accuse the Government
forces of violating the ceasefire.
Foreign
Ministry sources told The Sunday Times that Mr Solheim also raised
with Minister de Silva the statement by JVP parliamentary group
leader Wimal Weerawansa that Norway be removed immediately from
the role of a facilitator of the peace process. He said such statements
were not encouraging.
Minister
de Silva responded by telling Mr. Solheim he should remember that
the Government in power in Sri Lanka was a coalition. Constituent
parties were entitled to make their views known. The Government
had to pay heed to their concerns. This was particularly in view
of the fact that these parties were supporting Government's commitment
for a peaceful settlement to the ethnic conflict. He pointed out
that if the Government does not pay heed to their concerns, it would
be difficult to keep them in the peace process, these sources added.
In
responding to the issues raised by Mr. Solheim, the Government's
chief negotiator Minister de Silva has firmly spelt out the official
position. More importantly, he has explained the rationale why the
Government had to raise issue with Norway over the official-level
welcome the LTTE delegation received in Oslo. This was after its
constituent partner, the JVP, called for action. This is notwithstanding
attempts by the Foreign Office in Colombo to obscure matters and
divert attention over an issue in which their own Minister (Mangala
Samaraweera) has initiated action.
Concerns about the LTTE delegation's visit to Oslo grew further
after detailed reports of their activities there began reaching
the Government. The delegation which was in Oslo from February 27
to March 4 met Foreign Minister Jonas Store Gahr, his predecessor
Jan Petersen, Erik Solheim and the leader of the Nobel Peace Prize
Committee. The Annai Poopathi building in Oslo run by Tiger guerrilla
activists was the centre of a five-hour meeting with the Tamil diaspora
in Norway. The Annai Poopathy building also houses a school run
by the LTTE activists in Norway.
Mr
Thamilselvan spoke about how they were smart enough in arguing with
the Sri Lanka delegation at the Geneva talks. He said the LTTE delegation
had the upper hand and how they forced Minister Ferial Ashraff to
"shut up" when she raised the issue of child soldiers.
He claimed that some military members of the Sri Lanka delegation
were removed from the first to the rear row before talks commenced
in Geneva. But the most important event in Norway for the LTTE turned
out to be fund raising. Several Tamil businessmen made substantial
contributions to Mr. Thamilselvan and party.
If
the Foreign Office in Colombo wanted to remain secretive and keep
Sri Lankans in the dark on most issues, it was not so in the LTTE-controlled
Wanni. Though part of the LTTE action may be posturing or psychological
warfare on the Government, there were yet rumblings over the upcoming
round of Geneva talks on April 19, 20 and 21. The LTTE took up cudgels
with Ambassador Brattskar when he visited Wanni last Thursday. Mr.
Thamilselvan echoed the concerns of their chief negotiator, Mr.
Balasingham. He accused the Government of reneging on "the
assurance" given in Geneva last month to disband 'paramilitary'
or more appropriately, illegal armed groups.
The
widely accessed pro-LTTE website Tamilnet carried a question and
answer interview with Mr. Thamilselvan after his meeting with Ambassador
Brattskar. A few questions and answers reflect the LTTE thinking:
Question:
Did you discuss matters related to the paramilitary issue? The Government
of Sri Lanka says no paramilitaries operating in the Government-controlled
areas, but the SLMM says there are:
Answer:
We have pointed the contradictory statements from different sections
of the Sri Lanka Government and the continuing political duplicity
to the Norwegian Ambassador. No one, including the International
Community, will look favourably at the GOSL's position when after
agreeing to disarm the paramilitaries at the Geneva talks, the Government
says they have no links to the paramilitaries.
Question:
What do you think of the prospects for the next round of talks?
Answer: It is urgent and a moral obligation for both parties to
implement agreements made in Geneva. If there is reluctance on meeting
these obligations then our future efforts towards peace process
will have to be reviewed.
Senior
Government officials insist that the LTTE's threats to keep off
from the next round of talks in Geneva were nothing more than rhetoric.
They say the Government was not deterred by this, and was making
preparations for these talks. In the coming week or two, members
of the Sri Lanka delegation are to be given another round of orientation
courses to fully prepare themselves.
For
the moment, President Mahinda Rajapaksa appears to be pre-occupied
with the local polls. Police reports had told him of a groundswell
for the JVP. Hence, he has taken over the reins of the Sri Lanka
Freedom Party political campaign himself. On Friday he addressed
rallies in Moneragala. Yesterday, he was off to Nuwara Eliya on
the campaign trail and for a series of receptions organised by his
new-found ally, the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader, Arumugam
Thondaman. The latter's party is contesting the local polls under
the UPFA's betel leaf. Mr. Thondaman will campaign for the UPFA
in the plantation areas of Rangala (Kandy district) this week.
The
Police reports of JVP gains at the local polls also became the subject
of discussion by President Rajapaksa at a meeting with some ministers
after the Cabinet sessions ended last Wednesday. It was decided
at this meeting to launch TV commercials and an advertising campaign
in the Sunday Sinhala media. Mr. Dulles Allahaperuma, MP has been
given the responsibility of co-ordinating the campaign.
While
the local polls has its local interests, the upcoming Round two
of the peace talks will be upper-most in the minds of the powers-that-be,
and while the parties battle it out on the battle-fields of local
constituencies, the leadership on both sides is aware of the importance
of Geneva II.
On
Friday, in Colombo's popular with the foreigners, 'Gallery Café'
restaurant, Government chief neogotiator Nimal Siripala de Silva
sat down for lunch with his predecessor G.L. Peiris, both of whom
were hosted to lunch.
There's
nothing called a free lunch they say, and both of them had to brief
visiting Australian Minister of Emigration and Multi-Culture Amanada
Venstonse on the current peace process.
The
duo was subjected to a grilling themselves, even by High Commission
staff and visiting members of the Venstonse entourage.
Mr.
De Silva was the man of the hour, no doubt, and had to face the
battery of questions; the top concern seemed to be not whether the
LTTE is an obstacle to peace, but whether the JVP would be obstructionist.
The now quickly seasoning Minister negotiated that one; he had already
faced the same question from Erik Solheim earlier in the week. He
said "we are like India, a democracy, a coalition government…
we will listen to the JVP but not be controlled by them…our
objective is to strike a balance".
Then
he was asked for details of how they found the LTTE delegation,
how effective Mr. Anton Balasingham was etc; and as Mr. de Silva,
now the cynosure of attention, went describing things, Prof. Peiris
could take it no more.
He
butted in; "Bala is best in the mornings", he said. And
on that note the lunch ended as the Venstonse delegation adjourned
for their afternoon schedule.
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