Can
electoral politics be forgotten for the sake of economy?
The
electoral victory of the governing party in the recent local council
elections has raised hopes of political stability. The statement
that there would be no more elections till 2010 is good news for
the economy. Yet there is no certainty of this, as politicians like
to strengthen their power when the time is ripe.
This
is particularly so as the ruling coalition has some cracks in its
partners' support. Especially the conditional support of the JVP
in particular makes it difficult to pursue needed economic reforms
as well the peace process on a pragmatic path. Nevertheless we hope
that the elections have ushered in an polls-free period when economic
issues could be faced in a realistic and pragmatic manner and economic
decision-making can look at issues with a medium and long-term perspective
rather than immediate political gain.
Unfortunately
good economics is not good short-term politics. Consequently governments
tend to follow policies that are popular for the present rather
than what is good for the future.
If
only this perspective could be changed by the fact that the President
is in for a six-year term of office and the opposition is in disarray,
then needed changes in recent economic policies could be trimmed
and modified in the interests of the economy. That the Mahinda Chintanaya
is good politics has been proven. Now there is an urgent need for
the Mahinda Chintanaya to be brought within a framework of good
economics.
A fundamental
requisite for economic stability and growth is fiscal consolidation.
What this means is that the current account budget deficit should
be pruned to a much lower magnitude and over a medium term it should
taper off. All governments have expressed this as an objective and
aimed at manageable budget deficits in their budget speeches and
other economic statements. Yet their actions have been to the contrary
and deficits have remained high.
Consequently
the public debt has risen over the years and distorted public expenditure.
Successive governments have failed to reduce current and "unproductive"
expenditure, thereby increasing the debt burden as well as creating
a situation where developmental expenditure, such as the fund for
infrastructure, is insufficient to support a higher level of economic
growth.
If
the government is to make a dent on this problem several measures
are needed. There is a need to curtail a number of expenditures.
The cost of the Samurdhi programme is a case in point. There is
no doubt that the government must have an interventionist programme
to ensure food security and basic needs for the poorest of the poor.
However
when nearly one half of households in the country are beneficiaries
of this programme, it is quite clear that the number of unintended
beneficiaries is high.
What
is worse is that the really needy do not get Samurdhi benefits.
Surveys done by the Department of Census and Statistics and a study
of the Institute of Policy Studies some time ago, have disclosed
that a high proportion of those receiving benefits are not the intended
beneficiaries and that on the other hand a significant proportion
of the needy are not beneficiaries.
In
a country where less than 25 per cent of the population is deemed
poor, it is a mockery to find nearly half the population receiving
such benefits and adding to the fiscal burden. The fiscal burden
has been further aggravated by the energy pricing policies adopted
by the government.
In
the face of rising international oil prices, the government decided
to not pass the burden to the customer. Consequently, the Ceylon
Electricity Board and the Petroleum Corporation have been incurring
huge losses that have to be met by the government. The immediate
full impact has been cushioned by credit lines of US$ 100 million
from India and another $100 million from Iran. This has also been
a relief to the balance of payments for last year.
However,
these deferred payments would strain the balance of payments this
year. The reason for subsidising petroleum products is mainly political.
The government may have staved off some political unpopularity,
but the policy of subsidising petroleum means that customer response
to the higher international prices is muted.
Consequently
the country is importing more oil that the international price warrants.
Now that the government is politically steadier, it should revise
its policies and get back to the formula adopted earlier of adjusting
consumer prices in accordance with costs of petroleum imports. If
this is not done the fiscal deficit will continue to widen, import
costs would rise and there would be a strain on the balance of payments.
The
employment of 42,000 university graduates was another instance of
fiscal imprudence. The costs of their wages and the increased costs
of salary increases of public servants are leading to the situation
where salary and pension payments may soon absorb nearly fifty per
cent of government revenue. Even last year the wage bill of public
servants absorbed about a third of the government expenditure and
a higher proportion of government revenue.
While
the government speaks of the need to reduce the budget deficit,
it is taking measures that will increase it. The fundamental reason
for fiscal imprudence is electoral politics that make political
parties succumb to popular policies of subsidies that increase government
expenditure.
Now that the President has an uninterrupted six year term and his
party appears secure, he should look at economic policies in a new
light with due consideration to medium and long- term growth. He
should attempt to prune down expenditure that is wasteful, undertake
the needed reforms in pricing policy and reform public institutions
to ensure that they do not continue to be a burden on the public.
Unless
these are done, the country's international financial ratings would
dip, the IMF and World Bank concessional loans would dry up and
consequent resort to commercial borrowing would be at higher interest
costs. This would in turn increase the foreign debt and public debt
that has been hovering around the level of the GDP.
Bold
economic reforms and policies are needed if the country is to achieve
higher economic growth. Electoral politics has been the root cause
of governments following politically popular policies that have
aggravated fundamental economic problems.
Economic
reforms are shelved and poor economic policies are pursued to please
people. Can the Mahinda Chintanaya be brought within a framework
of good economic policies? Is there the requisite political courage
to face up to the economic realities now that the government has
got a further mandate?
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