Is
this the beginning of Eelam war IV?
Norway's special envoy for the peace process arrives in Kilinochchi
by a Sri Lanka Air Force Mi-17 helicopter. He was accompanied
by Norway's Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Hans Brattaskar. They were
met by the head of this LTTE Peace secretariat, S. Prabagaran
alias Pulithevan |
There
are some stark realities to the latest phase of the shadow war launched
by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) against the armed
forces and the Police.
For
the past 16 days, since the murder of Vanniasingham Vigneswaran
(51), a staunch LTTE supporter, Tiger guerrilla attacks have increased.
As President of the Trincomalee District Tamil People's Forum, he
was responsible for a string of Hartals and anti-Government protests.
A father
of three, he was to be parliamentarian for the Tamil National Alliance
(TNA). That was to fill the vacancy caused by the murder of Joseph
Pararajasingham in Batticaloa. Mr Vigneswaran was gunned down outside
the Bank of Ceylon office at Inner Harbour Road in Trincomalee on
April 7. The incident occurred within the High Security Zone (HSZ)
at a spot only a stone's throw away from the main gates of the Dockyard,
home for the Eastern Naval Area Headquarters.
Since
then, at least 51 armed forces and police personnel have been killed.
The incidents, which work out to an average of three deaths per
day to the security establishment, were caused largely by claymore
bomb attacks. Such attacks in the weeks following the presidential
elections last year led to the deaths of more than 98 armed forces
and police personnel.
Yesterday three different claymore bomb explosions, two in Thandikulam
(north of Vavuniya) and one in Welikanda killed an officer and three
soldiers.
LTTE's new high tech claymore bomb |
A striking
feature, in as far as it relates to the hi-tech claymore bomb attacks,
is the reality that not one guerrilla had died or sustained injuries.
The use of this lethal weapon, controlled remotely, besides inflicting
casualties on troops, is intended to restrict their mobility. This
is reminiscent of the 1980s when the scourge of landmine explosions
caused a similar problem.
Troops
had to be deployed for daily route clearing tasks whilst helicopters
were used to air drop supplies including food to military installations.
Though not extensively, the LTTE has used claymore bombs in the
past too using radio frequencies to blast them. They have now gone
hi-tech and improvised mechanisms to use mobile phones as well to
trigger them.
This
indeed is a new LTTE innovation during the more than four year long
ceasefire. The extensive use of claymore bombs, whilst taking a
toll of armed forces and police, was not exposing the guerrillas
to any harm. This is in marked contrast to other modus operandi
during earlier phases of the so called Eelam wars.
At
the beginning the LTTE thrust human wave after wave of guerrilla
cadres to breach armed forces defences. Most died during the initial
waves. Later, a few succeeded in breaking through enabling others
to infiltrate and cause damage. An example of how this played came
during the LTTE attack (code named Oyatha Alaikal II or Unceasing
Waves II) on the armed forces headquarters in Kilinochchi in September
1998. Using human wave after wave to attack defended localities,
no doubt, became a problem for the LTTE. They found it difficult
to replace the losses. It became the main contributory factor to
conscription of children. Yet, numbers were dwindling.
Another
innovation, the use of stand off weapons or indirect fire, followed.
Guerrillas resorted to the extensive use of mortar and artillery.
In the flat Northern terrain shorn of heavy jungles and littered
with sparse thickets, it became lethal. An example of this phenomenon
came during the armed forces advance from Eluthumaduwal (south of
the Jaffna peninsula) towards Pallai during "Operation Agni
Khiela" (or Rod of Fire) in April 2001. Troops advancing on
two different lanes in the thin isthmus that links the mainland
to the peninsula, clearing heavily laden land mines, died or sustained
serious injuries. Mortar and artillery rained on them. Some who
tried to avoid ran into minefields causing bloody havoc.
And
now, successfully building a stronger military machine during the
ceasefire, the LTTE has come up with a further innovation - the
use of the hi-tech claymore bomb. In addition to artillery and mortars,
which intelligence officials confirm were stockpiled during shipments
smuggled in during the ceasefire, together with the locally assembled
claymore bomb, appears to be the most lethal in LTTE leader, Velupillai
Prabhakaran's new arsenal for a future high intensity confrontation
with the armed forces. It is known that explosives, transmitters
and receivers for these claymore bombs were smuggled into the country
in very large quantities.
Of
this, in the ongoing shadow war, the use of hi-tech claymore bombs
becomes significant for many reasons. It is continuing to cause
death and injury to troops whilst not placing the guerrillas in
harm's way. But a more important aspect is the training that has
been given to civilians who have been formed into militias to assist
the guerrillas. They have been taught how to place claymore bombs
and use remote controlled devices to explode them. In other words,
the LTTE has managed to successfully use civilians to carry out
claymore bomb attacks in addition to their cadres. This also enables
the LTTE to use their own cadres on other battlefield tasks.
This
new capability by the LTTE has come in the midst of intense preparations
for war during the ceasefire. The former United National Front (UNF)
Government negotiated the Ceasefire Agreement that helped the LTTE,
either by neglect or otherwise, to become militarily stronger. The
situation was made very much worse by the former President Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. She took over the Ministries of Defence,
Interior and Mass Communication from the UNF Government in November
2003 on the grounds that national security was fast deteriorating.
She did little or nothing.
If
national security interests were grossly neglected, she also did
not initiate any action to curb widespread corruption and malpractices
in military procurements. Millions of dollars or billions of rupees
were spent on this. Not a single case was brought to book during
her eleven year tenure as President. There were widespread complaints
in the security establishment that promotions and extended terms
of service were granted largely to her favourites.
Without
question, as then Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of
the armed forces, she is answerable for the neglect of national
security interests particularly after she seized the defence portfolio
from the UNF Government. The damage caused is now becoming clearer.
As a result of these developments, the LTTE continued to use the
period of the ceasefire to further develop a conventional military
force. Besides smuggling in sophisticated weaponry, expanding its
land forces, strengthening its sea going arm, the Sea Tigers, during
this period the LTTE also developed an air capability.
Besides
acquiring light aircraft, it has constructed a 1.4 kilometre long
airstrip south east of the Iranamadu irrigation tank in Kilinochchi.
The fact that night flying training is going on has been repeatedly
confirmed through intelligence channels. Thus, the LTTE has on the
one hand transformed its military machine to cope with a conventional
role whilst on the other retained the capability to continue with
its guerrilla campaign.
This campaign in the form of claymore bomb strikes and attacks at
sea on naval craft are being stepped up with a multi pronged objective.
The
result of casualties, the arrival of body bags in the South is intended
not only to embarrass the Government but also mount pressure on
it to yield to LTTE demands. In addition, it is also intended to
create both political and economic instability. An intensification
of such attacks, the LTTE expects, would force the Government to
order armed forces to retaliate thus triggering off a major confrontation.
On the other hand, it also believes the armed forces may react on
their own if casualties continue to mount or when the guerrillas
carry out a major attack.
This
has raised the all important question whether the LTTE has in fact
launched the early stages of Eelam War IV. This is not only because
of the increase in the number of attacks. There have been reports
of fresh deployment of cadres, mortar and artillery positions at
several locations in the Wanni. Additional cadres were being deployed
into guerrilla positions north of Vavuniya including the Weli Oya
sector to prevent possible armed forces incursions.
A fresh
and hurried recruitment campaign has been launched with guerrilla
leaders addressing students attending classes in private tutories.
The LTTE has taken a lesson from the armed forces and are offering
an amnesty to those who deserted ranks. A monthly stipend is being
offered with promises of penalties, including death, against them
being waived. Meetings are being held to invite them to rejoin.
LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan has been addressing
such meetings in the past weeks. Military training for civilians,
particularly employees in the state and private sectors, has been
stepped up.
They
are being grouped into units of the "Makkal Padai" or
People's Force, both in the North and the East. The one and only
reason that is preventing the early stages of Eelam War IV escalating
into a major conflict is the restraint now being exercised by the
armed forces. If they were to retaliate against the LTTE, a high
intensity war would have already commenced no matter whether there
were more talks in Geneva. This is notwithstanding the Ceasefire
Agreement of February 2002, to which both the Government and the
LTTE continue to pledge adherence.
The
Government has accused the LTTE of triggering off a wave of violent
incidents. The LTTE, in turn, is accusing the paramilitary groups
backed by armed forces for the murder of its civilian supporters
including, among others, those helping to raise funds, recruiting
cadres, operating transport services and helping in intelligence
gathering - a charge that is being strongly denied. Yet there remain
tit-for-tat battles in this sometimes silent war.
Adding
to this situation are intelligence reports of attempts by the LTTE
to trigger off a communal backlash, particularly in the Trincomalee
district. Towards this end, intelligence sources say, hardline guerrilla
cadres have moved into the area. This follows the incidents that
took place during the Avurudu period in the Trincomalee town followed
by the aftermath of a claymore mine attack in Dehiwatta that killed
a home guard on Friday. The LTTE backed Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation
(TRO) has already made a worldwide appeal for financial assistance
for over 3,000 internally displaced persons temporarily housed in
six different locations in Trincomalee.
Like
all previous regimes, the Government's media machinery remains woefully
inadequate and even inefficient to deal with the ongoing developments.
A shocking fact is a recent news release, issued on a blank sheet
of paper. It came from the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH) giving
details of incidents in Trincomalee. Meant for distribution to foreign
and local media, it spoke of "civil riots." Needless to
say the actions of the Mahinda Rajapakasa Government are not being
projected correctly to Sri Lankans and the world outside. The sooner
it is rectified, the better it is. Otherwise, as has been the case,
the LTTE will continue to remain active in its propaganda effectively
using its websites and other outlets.
It is in this backdrop that valiant efforts were made to persuade
the LTTE to return to Geneva for the second round of talks.
Norway's
Special Envoy for the peace process, Jon Hanssen Bauer has delayed
his departure from Colombo. He put off an appointment scheduled
for Saturday in London with LTTE chief negotiator, Anton Balasingham.
This is until the Head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, retired
Swedish Major General Ulf Henriccson returned from Kilinochchi to
Colombo.
Maj. Gen. Henriccson carried a message conveying Government's formal
acceptance on the use of a private helicopter or a privately owned
sea going vessel to ferry LTTE's eastern military leaders to Kilinochchi.
This was for a meeting with their leader, Mr. Prabhakaran. Though
the offer was originally conveyed to Mr Thamilselvan by Norway's
Special Envoy Mr Bauer, a formal document officially reiterating
the Government's acceptance and assuring security had been carried
by Maj. Gen. (retd.) Henriccson.
Earlier,
Mr. Thamilselvan said in a letter to Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar
that until "the hurdles in front of us to attend Geneva talks
are removed and a more conducive environment created, our Geneva
team is unable to come to Geneva talks." He wanted Norway to
pressure the Government "to implement the Ceasefire Agreement
in letter and spirit, to implement in particular what was agreed
upon at the Geneva talks, and to prevent it from altering the practices
already put in place." He added: "It is only through these
measures the conducive environment for future peace talks will be
created."
Yesterday
Maj. Gen. Henriccson returned to Colombo without a having a meeting
with Mr. Thamilselvan. LTTE is learnt to have taken up the position
that no purpose would be served by a meeting since neither Norway
nor the Government had made any new offers. This cast serious doubts
on future talks between the Government and the LTTE.
In
the wake of this disturbing development, there is serious concern
over the increased LTTE attacks that have signalled the launch of
a low intensity Eelam War IV. Intelligence sources speak of other
guerrilla plans. This week armed forces and police establishments
were alerted to the possibility of attempts by the LTTE to kidnap
a VIP or VIPs. It is said to be with the intention of placing ransom
demands. This is in addition to reports of more guerrilla cadres
making their presence felt in the City of Colombo prompting the
need for stepped up security measures.
One
of Mr. Prabhakaran's erstwhile comrade in arms who led many a battle
against the armed forces during previous wars, Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan
alias Karuna disclosed this week that the ceasefire was used as
a respite by the LTTE. He gave The Sunday Times an interview. It
appears on page 5 in this issue. Karuna said "With the money
pouring from the Tamil diaspora the LTTE managed to improve and
increase its weapons arsenal. It was Prabhakaran's intention to
start the war after resting for five years. But he faced serious
difficulties with my unexpected departure and the adverse situation
developing in the Tamil diaspora."
He
added: "I know shipments of arms were received. Since February
2005 they (the LTTE) were training their cadres to use newly acquired
weapons. Large stocks of mortar/artillery shells, explosives and
arms are among defence supplies that have arrived in the Wanni."
With only four months in office, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has
an unenviable task. He has inherited the problems, some of them
badly aggravated by the inaction of his predecessor.
His
priorities are not only to ensure the armed forces and the police
remain in a much higher level of preparedness in the wake of rising
LTTE attacks. He also has to ensure morale and well being of the
troops are at prime level.
Tough laws target big trawlers
The Government has promulgated new Regulations that prohibit all
vessels with a weight of over three tons and more than 28 feet in
length from operating in Sri Lanka's territorial waters without
the consent of a Competent Authority. Police and the armed forces
have been conferred powers to open fire at violators.
The
ban, in terms of Emergency (Establishment of a Prohibited Zone)
Regulations No 1 of 2006 will, however, exclude the territorial
waters between the shores off Kirinda (in the South) up to Puttalam
(in the West). President Mahinda Rajapaksa has invoked provisions
of the Public Security Ordinance for this purpose. The zone will
cover the coastal districts of Hambantota, Ampara, Batticaloa, Trincomalee,
Mullaitivu, Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar and Puttalam.
According
to the Regulations, no person shall enter the Prohibited Zone in
any vessel or remain within or ply any vessel within such Zone for
any purpose whatsoever except with the written authority of the
Competent Authority. Besides the Commander of the Navy, the following
sector commanders have been made Competent Authorities - Northern
Naval Area, Eastern Naval Area, Western Naval Area, Southern Naval
Area and North Central Naval Area.
The
new Regulations exclude the right of access to the Island of Kachchativu
granted to Indian fishermen. This is under the Agreement between
Sri Lanka and India signed on June 28, 1974 on the "Boundary
in the Historic waters between the two countries and related matters,"
read with provisions of the Agreement between Sri Lanka and India
signed on March 23, 1976, on the "Maritime Boundary between
the two countries in the Gulf of Mannar and the Bay of Bengal, and
related matters."
The
Competent Authority has been empowered to impose such restrictions
and conditions as he may deem necessary in the interest of security.
The Regulations require that all "personnel on board such vessel
to comply and observe such restrictions and conditions." Whilst
those contravening the Regulations will be deemed to have committed
an offence, a certificate from the Commander of the Navy that a
prohibited act had taken place within the Prohibited Zone shall
be admissible in evidence. It will be deemed as prima facie Evidence
of the facts stated therein.
Those
convicted after trial by the High Court will be liable to rigorous
imprisonment for a term not less than three months and not exceeding
five years. They will also be liable to a fine of Rs 500,000 and
the forfeiture of the vessel with all contents found on board.
The
tough new Regulations come in the wake of the Tiger guerrilla attack
on the Navy's Dvora P 431 fast attack craft in the seas south of
Kudiramalai Point (located north of Kalpitiya) on March 25. An officer
and seven sailors were killed in the incident. Defence authorities
believe the move will not only secure naval craft on routine patrol
duties but also prevent Tiger guerrillas, who carry out mid sea
transfer of military hardware from ships to trawlers, from bringing
ashore such items. They say the ban will apply to all multi-day
fishing trawlers which can be sustained at sea for a period of more
than one day.
The
Regulations empower any Police Officer, any member of the Sri Lanka
Army, the Sri Lanka Navy or the Sri Lanka Air Force or any other
person authorised by the President to stop or detain any person
or vessel for identification. Any person found on board any vessel
within the Prohibited Zone who fails or refuses to comply with any
order, direction or signals will be deemed to have committed an
offence.
The
Regulations specify that there would be no indemnity or other payment
shall be made under any policy of insurance in respect of death,
injury or damage, caused to any person, vessel or thing found within
the Prohibited Zone. This is notwithstanding "anything to the
contrary in any other written law."
Besides
the seas within Sri Lanka's territorial waters, the new Regulations
also include the inland waters of the Puttalam Lagoon, North of
Kalpitiya. |