Columns

• Big blow to SLPP master strategist Basil Rajapaksa; as most ruling alliance MPs back the amendment
• Mahinda takes his campaign to Kandy on the theme “let’s rise together”, but he was not present at voting time,while other Rajapaksas vote for it

By Our Political Editor

A main outcome among them is the “virtual dethroning” of Basil Rajapaksa, the key strategist, and the brains behind the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), now convalescing in Los Angeles, the United States. He has been manipulating political events more robustly and setting the SLPP agenda after Ranil Wickremesinghe became President in July.

He successfully stalled these changes when the amendments were to be debated in Parliament on October 6. The words of ventriloquist SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam echoed even last week when he declared that the SLPP policy was to allow persons holding dual citizenship to contest elections.

That provision not only flew out of the window on Friday. More importantly, the 22nd Amendment to the constitution received 174 votes in the 225 seat Parliament. The remaining 50 (the other is the Speaker) included 11 who were abroad while abstaining were two members of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) which is also hit with divisions. Therefore, does one count the remaining 36, a lesser number or a handful more, as the remnants of the Basil Rajapaksa group now? If the voting is anything to go by, the only one to vote in favour of 22A during the second reading was retired Navy Chief of Staff, Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera.

He counts ex-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as his protégé though Basil Rajapaksa backed him to become Minister of Public Security. This was reflected anger (a rival at the elections in Colombo District) towards Wimal Weerawansa, now the leader of a political grouping called Uttara Lanka Front. Weerawansa did not hide his feelings during the debate on 22A when he declared, “If anyone opposes the amendments or is not present for the voting, it is clear it is being done on the dictates of Mola Hathano who is operating from the United States.” That was a clear punch on Basil Rajapaksa. It was the likes of Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila among others who first bore the brunt of Basil Rajapaksa’s outbursts and were sidestepped at the beginning. It spread later to other factions, one including Dullas Alahapperuma, G.L. Peiris and a third group made up of Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, John Seneviratne and Susil Premajayantha. And now, a political guessing game is on over the number that makes up Basil Rajapaksa’s own group. No doubt it will emerge sooner than later.

SJB’s conditional support

There was some suspense during voting time. At the second reading, there were 179 votes in favour. However, five MPs were not present, and the third reading ended up with 174 votes in favour. The 22nd Amendment effectively restores at least partially the 19th Amendment and strengthen the powers of Parliament. Only Sarath Weerasekara opposed it. The members who voted in favour of the Amendment included a cross section in Parliament that formed the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaywa, the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (NPP-JVP), Ilankai Thamilarasu Katchi (TNA), the SLPP which is now split into groups.

SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa and the party's other stalwarts at the party's Kandy rally under the theme Ekwa Negitimu (let's rise together). But the manner in which SLPP MPs voted in Parliament on Friday when the 22nd Amendment was put to vote speaks a different story.

Though Mahinda Rajapaksa was absent, Chamal Rajapaksa, Namal Rajapaksa and Sashindra Rajapaksa were in favour of the amendments. Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) leader Maithripala Sirisena and General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekara supported the amendment saying though it was not ideal, it was better than 20A. Two of the notable absentees were SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam and Chairman G.L. Peiris. TNA’s R Sampanthan and M.A. Sumanthiran were absent though a couple of other members voted in favour. Jathika Jana Balawegaya MPs – Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Vijitha Herath and Harini Amarasuriya — voted in favour.

How the SLPP strategist, who built up the party to the levels of a grandeur victory at the presidential election and later saw to its splinter, will cope with the new developments remains to be seen. He has obtained leave from courts to undergo medical attention and must return. The most critical question that will face him is how his own SLPP membership would react to the new development, whether they would support all his bidding. Friday’s vote has clearly weakened his power base and the clout he wields.  The development has also come as a bad reflection on the Rajapaksas.

On the other hand, another significant aspect has been playing out since Basil Rajapaksa succeeded in thwarting the debate on the constitutional changes on October 6. This came as the biggest political windfall for President Ranil Wickremesinghe since assuming office. Though his United National Party (UNP) had only one seat in Parliament, one or two key figures who have remained less active got into the act. They successfully initiated a dialogue with those at the top rungs of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya  (SJB) about its support. There was little doubt that the SJB disliked what it believed were autocratic powers remaining in the hands of a president. The SJB was willing but, at the beginning, entertained fears that other provisions may be ‘smuggled’ through during the committee stage of the debate. Assurances were given and accepted. Therefore, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa did not insist on a prior statement of assurance from the government. He only repeated his warning for the government not to do so. There was some lobbying of SLPP parliamentarians, also.

Premadasa told Parliament that there were two main reasons why the SJB was supporting 22A. One was to remove the existing clause in the constitution that dual citizens could contest elections. That would take away their right to sit in parliament or contest the presidency. The other reason, he said, the president would be empowered to dissolve Parliament after it had served two and half years. “We believe that the powers of the executive presidency should be reduced. When we look at the 22nd amendment, we can say it has at least some provisions that are better than the 20th Amendment,” he said.

Premadasa, who is also the leader of the opposition, added, “The amendment must be brought with good intentions. There should not be any underhand attempts to change the draft at the Committee Stage. If such attempts are made, I will clearly state that we will oppose the amendment. We are glad that the Justice Minister has agreed to amend the draft to state that the appointment of civil society representatives to the Constitutional Council will be made with the agreement of the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition. We also state clearly that the prohibition contained in the draft on dual citizens from becoming MPs must not change. If attempts are made to remove it, we will oppose the draft. We will also support the move to retain the provision for the President to dissolve Parliament after 2 ½ years of its term, rather than increasing it to 4 ½ years.”

Why did parliamentarians who were close associates of ex-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and had voted earlier to confer stronger powers on the presidency, back out in such large numbers? A few of the MPs I spoke with were unbelievably frank. One of them who did not wish to be identified explained that President Wickremesinghe has “brought about a better climate and conditions for them to work and move around.” Another was harsher when he said “if Basil wants to be in politics, he must first live in Sri Lanka and not in Los Angeles. They were underscoring the safer environment under which they could move around now. Bolstering their morale further is the crackdown on protestors, a message to them that threat levels were no longer high. Added to that were expectations of a bigger role for them in governance. Though different interpretations were given, the speeches contained their own theories. Here are just a few examples:

Mahindananda Aluthgamage: “The opposition was hoping that 22A will create a split within the government. They were waiting for the government to defeat it. They were hoping for the government to plunge into a crisis due to the split that will arise from 22A and use that to come to power and take up ministerial positions. This amendment was first introduced during President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s time. It was the Cabinet under him that approved this amendment. Therefore, there is no reason for us to oppose this. This amendment will be passed.”

Dr Nalaka Godahewa: “We can say quite clearly that none of the President’s powers have been curtailed by 22A. Before coming here, the draft also went to the Supreme Court which has given its recommendations. All the President’s powers remain. Accordingly, the President can appoint the Cabinet according to his wishes. He only needs to consult the Prime Minister. The President can appoint and dismiss a Cabinet or change its composition. The President can also hold any number of ministerial portfolios under 22A and even remove the PM. However, one positive aspect of this amendment is that it has brought back the Constitutional Council (CC) and the independent commissions. When looking at the draft after it was gazetted, however, we noticed problems with the composition of the CC: seven of its 10 members can be appointed according to the wishes of the government. We discussed this issue with the Justice Minister and the President. Thankfully, that composition has now changed slightly in a way that we feel is positive. As such, though this 22nd Amendment will not bring about much change and falls short of the system change that people expected, we have decided to vote for it since it will bring about some progress. But we emphasise that this cannot be the final solution. What people want is a completely new Constitution and a complete system change.”

The TNA was not able to take a unified stand on Friday and some of its MPs voted in favour of 22A. However, TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan and Abraham Sumanthiran kept away during the voting. Before leaving the House, Sumanthiran made a statement where he noted that “This is a very dangerous thing that you are doing to the country, and I must warn the Honorable Members of this House: let’s stop pretending, let’s stop fooling the people or attempting to fool the people – people are never fooled. If you want to do a reform, do it and take it to the people at a referendum. Why are you fighting shy of a referendum? After all, people have asked for this. When people have asked for this, take it to the people. Get their consent. That’s how you make reforms in the country. You make a fundamental change – bring a new constitution, don’t pretend, don’t lie to the people, and try to make people fools.”

One of the major highlights of 22A approved by Parliament is the re-establishment of the Constitutional Council. It will be the duty of the Council to recommend to the President fit and proper persons for appointment as Chairpersons or members of independent commissions. They are the Election Commission, the Public Service Commission, the National Police Commission, the Audit Service Commission, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Finance Commission, and the National Procurement Commission.

Another significant aspect is the fact that Friday’s passage of 22A came in the backdrop of renewed efforts by the SLPP to re-invigorate the party through a series of meetings titled Ekwa Nagitimu or rise together. The name of the campaign becomes even more apt now as the party appears to have lost considerable support.

SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa told a meeting in Nawalapitiya last Sunday, the second in the series, “We are not new to problems; we did not face these problems today, from the kings’ time we faced famine, at such times we got together and stood up and faced the challenge. Some did not know of this, even if they knew they wouldn’t say it. They only want to avoid the problem by putting it on another person. Their easiest target is us.

“They are trying to wash their hands of by putting the blame on us, the problems will not end if they stack it on us. They are slinging mud.  I know all of us were subjected to insults and ridicule, some behaved like they never had done wrong. Now we see their true colours as we see the true colour of storks. Some don’t’ like to see this country become a peaceful country, others do not like to see this country become independent. They always want to say ‘No’ to everything. We must change this.

“There are instances where we also made mistakes. We admit it honestly, but the ones who make a commotion that we did wrong are perfect people who did not stay without doing wrong in history. There is an opportunity to correct one’s mistakes. We should not be ashamed. If someone is not going forward and stopping, there it would be wrong. We can do this, some know the truth, and some pretend to not know the truth. Some represent falsehood as they cannot take back the allegations, they hurled against us. Those political moves won’t help the country.

“We need to create our future work plan and go forward. If everyone gets together and goes for one policy and takes the country forward, a lot of these problems can be resolved. Some do not like that. They avoid us when we ask them to come to one shared agreement.”

SLPP General Secretary Saragara Kariyawasam; “Today we are giving a message to the whole country; there are a lot of young people gathered with us. These are the people who trust us and are trying to create a better future with us. With this crowd we are showing the position of our party. In the past, we faced many problems as a party, I would like to ask the youth gathered here, when they post anything pro-SLPP in social media (Facebook) how many people comment against it. They call them slaves, make different kinds of accusations. There is a group of people who are hired to sling mud and make posts against SLPP; most of this mudslinging is done from fake Facebook accounts which are operated from foreign countries. This is well organised by them. Therefore, we no longer need to be worried about that as we have given the message at Nawalapitiya that the people are with us.”

The question that begs answer now is whether the SLPP will be able to rise together in the weeks and months to come, particularly after the showing at the voting on Friday. That vote is not only an indictment on Basil Rajapaksa alone but on all Rajapaksas alike when their nearest allies abandon them and find different reasons for doing so.

Ministry brings career diplomats back to foreign missions The adoption of the most hard-hitting resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva has led to the recall of the country’s Permanent Representative at the UN in Geneva, it has now been confirmed officially. Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told the Sunday Times that Himalee Arunatilaka, currently Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Nepal would be the new envoy. She would replace C.A. Chandraprema, he said. Foreign Minister Ali Sabry Chandraprema was named permanent representative to the UN in Geneva by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He earlier authored a book titled “Gota’s War” about the conclusion of the separatist war. He presented his credentials in Geneva on November 10, 2020. A document given to the UNHRC said he had been working before as a political correspondent. Prior to that, it said, he had been working for the Ranjan Wijeratne Academy for Political Education. Arunatilaka, who succeeds him, is a career diplomatic officer. At the last UNHRC sessions, the resolution on “promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka,” was supported by 21 countries including the United States and the United Kingdom. Twenty countries abstained and only seven voted against the resolution (or in favour of Sri Lanka), the lowest. This development also raised issue over the working of the country’s diplomatic missions overseas, mostly headed by political appointees with little or no experience. It has led to Foreign Minister Sabry recalling a few onetime career diplomats for overseas postings again. They are: Esala Weerakoon as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to China. He is currently the Secretary General of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) and functions from an office in Nepal’s capital of Kathmandu. He has served there since March 2020. He will succeed Palitha Kohona, currently the Ambassador to China, whose term is due to expire at the end of the year. An earlier move to recall him to Colombo over the controversy revolving around the visit to Hambantota Port of the Chinese vessel Wang Yi 5 was dropped and it was decided to allow him to complete his tenure. Manisha Gunasekera will be Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to France. She has previously served in capitals including Seoul (South Korea) and London (UK). She is at present in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She will succeed Kshanika Hirimburegama. Chitranganee Wagiswara will be the High Commissioner to Australia. She is a former Foreign Secretary and has also served as Sri Lanka’s envoy in New Delhi and Paris. The post in Canberra (Australia) has remained vacant since early 2019. This was after High Commissioner J.C. Weliamuna, who took office following a recommendation from the then yahapalana (good governance) administration and sought asylum from the Australian government. He has since remained there. Prior to assuming office as High Commissioner, Weliamuna was a member of the government’s foreign assets recovery team and travelled widely in search of assets of political leaders of the then opposition. Though many non-career postings as heads of Sri Lanka missions overseas have been without major issues, there were still some that caused considerable disappointment. One such appointment by then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was that of a Sri Lankan who was a resident of another country. During his posting in another leading Asian capital, there were complaints to the Foreign Ministry from their counterparts that the envoy in question had parties every night with loud Baila music that had disturbed the neighborhood. The Police in that area had brought the matter to the attention of their Foreign Ministry which in turn had reported it to its counterparts in Colombo. Minister Sabry confirmed that Milinda Moragoda, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in India, would also return to Sri Lanka but did not say when. He said a successor would be named after he returned. Vacancies in Germany and Nepal, he said, would soon be filled. The new appointments, including many positions that are yet to be filled, will take effect from next year. Foreign Minister Sabry said the ministry was formulating a set of guidelines that should be followed by all heads of missions. He said this was to ensure enhanced performance. It would also include measures to help the country on the economic front, he pointed out.