Columns

• Crisis within crisis and wheels within wheels as party splits into several factions
• Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe comes under fire from SLPP; UNP also hits out at him for playing double role
• US State Dept. issues stinging report on the extent of corruption in Sri Lanka

At the April 25 meeting with Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Those present were Duminda Dissanayake, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Suren Raghavan and Faiszer Musthapha.

By Our Political Editor

It is usually customary for those in political parties to take a break during the national New Year holidays.

A somewhat prolonged absence from Parliament sittings gave some the opportunity of a well-earned holiday overseas whilst others chose the comfort of hill country resorts. Though at best, it was a distraction, one is not wrong in saying that the antics in the once reputed and strong Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) were providing some humorous entertainment which the party did not intend to do in a widely publicised exercise. That was how the party’s internecine issues came into public prominence. Otherwise, it seemed ironic that the party had remained in the doldrums with little or no prospects of gaining power at the upcoming national elections.

At the centre of many a controversy is former President, Maithripala Sirisena, who has held the leadership of the party until the District Court suspended him from functioning. Just this week, the focus was on him as the Parliament debated for three days once again the Easter Sunday massacres that took place five years ago. There were expectations among political parties that he would throw more light on the statement he made to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on March 25. There he alleged that an Indian diplomat had confessed to him that his country was responsible for the attacks. Sirisena was conspicuous by his absence from Parliament during the three days of the debate. The debate itself turned out to be mostly repeat performance by speakers and did not see the emergence of new details.

Nevertheless, there was something significant from a faction of SLFP members opposed to Sirisena. Even before the three-day debate, they formally sought a meeting with the Indian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, Santosh Jha. Four members – Duminda Dissanayake, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Suresh Raghavan and Faiszer Musthapha – met the envoy at his official residence at Thurstan Road on April 23. Even if the foursome did not take pains to dissociate themselves from Sirisena’s accusations, their dialogue made clear that as a party they did not oppose India. Thus, it falls on Sirisena to prove the claim he has made.

Another accusation against Sirisena came both from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party hierarchy. That was over his initiatives in making Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Reforms, as the acting leader of the SLFP. The anger at the highest levels of the SLPP is because Rajapakshe is one of their members. He contested the Colombo district on the SLPP ticket and came fourth securing 120,626 votes. State Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna told a news conference, “Our understanding is that Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe cannot be a member of the SLFP as he is still a member of the SLPP. According to information obtained through a Right to Information application from Parliament, even from last month’s emoluments, a deduction had been made by Rajapakshe for the SLPP for the party fund. The SLPP was contemplating disciplinary action against him when he was forced to leave the office of Acting Chairman of the SLFP due to an order from the District Court.

UNP leaders were incensed because Rajapakshe was veering himself to be a presidential candidate. That was to oppose President Ranil Wickremesinghe whilst serving in his Cabinet of Ministers. One senior member, who did not wish to be named, argued that there were now questions over whether Rajapakshe promoted different legal reforms to benefit those whom he planned to join. Rajapakshe has already made clear he would be a presidential candidate. He said that he was urged by influential sections of the clergy to come forward. The member said the party had already urged their SLPP counterparts to initiate action since he had violated discipline and taken on the position of acting Chairman of the SLFP for a period. However, in a bid to help Rajapakshe, the onetime leader of the SLFP, Maithripala Sirisena, has argued that a person does not become a member of the SLFP immediately after he applies. There is a long process, he has explained.

Within the SLFP, the present leadership crisis exploded in public on March 30, when Minister Mahinda Amaraweera, State Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna and MP Duminda Dissanayake were removed from their positions of Senior Vice President, Treasurer and National Organiser respectively. All three support the government. The decision reportedly has been taken at a party Executive Committee meeting convened by SLFP Chairman, former President Maithripala Sirisena. The members were removed from their positions on the grounds that they were expressing views contrary to those of the party, a position they have hotly contested.

The three immediately went to court against the move and on April 1, the Colombo District Court issued an interim injunction preventing the SLFP’s Executive Committee from removing them. On Tuesday (April 24), the court further extended this interim injunction till May 8. Sirisena in that time frame suffered a major setback after the Colombo District Court on Wednesday (April 24) issued a permanent injunction preventing him from functioning as SLFP Chairman.

The order was issued following a plaint filed by former SLFP Executive Committee member Montague Sarathchandra. The order will be valid until the conclusion of the trial. This was the second injunction issued against Sirisena preventing him from functioning as SLFP Chairman. The first was obtained by former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. With the faction opposed to  Sirisena appointing Minister Nimal Siripala De Silva as Acting Party Chairman, the Sirisena faction appointed Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe as Acting Party Chairman on April 21 at what it said was a party Executive Committee meeting in Kotte. Though the decision was announced as unanimous, United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) General Secretary Thilanga Sumathipala, who was present at the meeting, was vocal in his criticism afterwards, telling journalists outside that there was a question of legality over the meeting. He described the event as “illegal and a joke.” Sumathipala said he had questions over how a Cabinet Minister in the government could be appointed to a major acting position within the party, with the same person now working against the government while remaining a part of it. He alleged that Sirisena did not give them an opportunity to discuss the matter. Sumathipala described the move as an “unfortunate day” for the SLFP.

Both Sumathipala and former SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekara have been extremely critical of the move to appoint Rajapakshe as Acting SLFP Chairman. This appointment was swiftly challenged by the Siripala faction, with the Colombo District Court issuing yet another injunction last Wednesday preventing Rajapakshe from functioning as the SLFP’s Acting Chairman. The court also issued an injunction order preventing MP Sarathie Dushmantha Mithrapala from functioning as Acting Party General Secretary.

After the court order, the Sirisena faction met at the head office of the Nidahas Sewaka Sangamaya with both  Sirisena and  Rajapakshe in attendance. Addressing reporters, Mithrapala said they respected the court’s decision and would work to resolve the matter in court. He accused the Siripala faction of engaging in a conspiracy to tie the SLFP to President Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNP. The Siripala faction, meanwhile, held its own meeting at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute on Thursday and Duminda Dissanayake was appointed as the party’s Acting General Secretary. On Thursday, Sumathipala also convened a special meeting of the UPFA at the SLFP’s head office at Darley Road. A section of the head office complex remains sealed off by a court order pending the conclusion of a police investigation following a complaint by the Sirisena faction that some valuable documents had gone missing. There was tight security in the area while the meeting took place.

Both Sumathipala and former SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekara addressed the gathering. “The request by our party members is that the SLFP should be controlled from Darley Road and not from Aluthkade,” Sumathipala told the media afterwards that the matter should be resolved through dialogue. Jayasekara said they discussed how to resolve the conflict between the party’s two factions. He said they hoped to hold discussions with both the Siripala and Sirisena factions in a bid to resolve the dispute amicably. “Rather than building a leader, we are trying to first bring the party together. It’s from trying to build leaders that we have got into this mess in the first place,” Jayasekara said. Whilst the controversy continues, Police are guarding the SLFP headquarters at Darley Road.

May Day show of strength

The major political parties are busy planning out their May Day rallies, an event that will perhaps demonstrate their strength and capabilities ahead of the presidential election. The UNP will hold its rally in Maradana, along the main road adjoining the Elphinstone Theatre. The SLPP has chosen Campbell Park in Borella.

Ranjith Madduma Bandara, General Secretary of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), told the Sunday Times that their rally will be held at Chatham Street in the Fort with the procession beginning from Goonesinhapura (Pettah). He dismissed as “mischief” claims that SJB members would take part in the UNP rally. He said SJB leader Sajith Premadasa would first take part in a rally in Talawakele and later drive down to Colombo for the main event. The hill country event is being organized by National Union of Workers leader Palani Digambaram.

US State Dept. report’s focus on corruption

Another significant development this week is the release of the 2023 country report of the US State Department. This is what it has to say about government corruption:

“The law provided criminal penalties for corruption by officials, but the government did not implement the law effectively. There were numerous reports of government corruption during the year.

“Corruption: Corruption remained a significant and continuing problem, including at the highest levels of government. International companies frequently reported requests for bribes on matters ranging from customs clearances to government procurement. In July parliament passed, by unanimous consent, new anti-corruption legislation. This was a required structural benchmark of the International Monetary Fund programme. The legislation expanded the mandate of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) and changed both the way CIABOC was funded and how it could recruit investigators in order to provide greater independence. The law required politicians to publicly declare assets. The law also expanded and created new criminal offences for corruption, including recognising the demand for sexual favours as a criminal form of corruption, and increased the fines for offences.

“Numerous civil society groups criticised the law for insufficient whistleblower protections and for insufficient protection of the right to information, but overall they welcomed the law as a step in the right direction. Civil society and the private sector saw a window of opportunity to address endemic corruption in the country but were concerned the government and CIABOC lacked the capacity and political will to do so. There was long-standing and widespread impunity for government officials accused of corruption, and police and the judiciary lacked training in addressing complicated cases of financial crimes.

“In March the Colombo High Court ordered charges dropped against former parliamentarian Sajin Vass Gunawardena, who was accused of misappropriating nearly 883 million rupees ($2.7 million) while he was the CEO of state-owned airline Mihin Lanka. CIABOC had filed the case against Gunawardena in 2016.

“Corruption in the health sector regarding the procurement of medicines and medical equipment attracted significant attention during the year after multiple deaths and serious injuries were reported at state hospitals, allegedly due to substandard drugs.

“CIABOC reported it received 1,749 complaints of corruption from January through July. During this period, CIABOC filed 42 corruption cases, and the courts convicted eight individuals of corruption (all low-level officials).

“For additional information about corruption in the country, please see the Department of State’s Investment Climate Statement for the country, and the Department of State’s International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, which includes information on financial crimes.”

With the presidential election due, the manifestos of almost all political parties are sure to speak of tackling corruption. What follows thereafter is a stoic silence except for the detection of a few insignificant cases. Big sharks appear to be getting away.

NPP leader vows to build corruption-free country and foster national harmony Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led National People’s Power (NPP), flew to Sweden on Friday to take part in events arranged by party followers there. This is his latest foray after his China, Russia, India and Canada visits that came amidst reports of his party being touted as a frontline contender at the upcoming presidential election. Just last week, a Chinese Communist Party delegation led by Vice Minister Sun Haiyan called on him in Colombo. Anura Kumara Dissanayake Dissanayake, due to return ahead of May Day, declared in a Q&A, “No country can exist in isolation. There are several powerhouses being formed.” The NFF will hold four different May Day rallies -– one in Jaffna and the others in Anuradhapura, Colombo and Matara. “Conducting one major rally in any town will be a logistical nightmare when one thinks of the large crowds and the vast number of buses needed to transport them,” he pointed out. Significantly, Dissanayake did not hide NPP’s foreign policy goals when he declared that “we need to maintain a balanced foreign policy with powerful countries.” He said our immediate neighbour India is engaged in a geopolitical race whereas Sri Lanka is not. They expect Sri Lanka not to take any decision or engage in anything that threatens India’s national interests and security in the region. We accept it.” He added, “Therefore, I believe that since we are located within the Indian geopolitical region and India’s broader concerns about its national security, we must maintain political and economic relations with India. Unless we have such support, we cannot overcome the present crisis. We need foreign investment; we need technology, and we need access to foreign markets. Therefore, we need a strong foreign policy. We have been open, and we have no hidden agenda. We engage in a transparent dialogue with all foreign dignitaries who visit us.” Here are edited highlights of the Q&A: There has been no response from the NPP on its position on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. Can you explain what it is? On several occasions, we have stated our position on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the provincial councils. Our policy document published in 2019 also contained our stand on the provincial councils. Nevertheless, let me explain it once again. We don’t believe that the Provincial Council system is a complete solution to the ethnic problem in the country. However, the provincial councils have been in existence for over three decades, and our party is also contesting at provincial council elections. People in the North and East consider the provincial council is one of their rights. They think that the provincial council is a victory they have got after many years of demand. Hence, we are of the opinion that we should continue with the provincial councils, yet our opponents express different opinions on that. How will the NPP focus on the Tamil Ethnic Issue? I have already explained to you that the provincial council system alone cannot find solutions to the ethnic issue. Politics in Sri Lanka for a long time has been instigating one community against the other. For example, in 2019 at the presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory was completely based on a slogan that was against the Muslim community. Throughout the political history of our country, the usual practice has been organising one section of people against the other for political gains. Political parties, whether they are Muslim, Tamil or Sinhalese, in certain instances, have created dissension among communities at times to gain power. Our politics is completely different from theirs. Even in the most difficult times, we are a party that has always stood for national unity and ethnic harmony among Tamil, Muslim, and Sinhala communities. Therefore, the first step to solving this ethnic issue is to establish a political system that integrates all communities rather than using divisive politics. We are doing it. Then, how can we find solutions to the problem? We know there are certain identical issues that Tamil-speaking people are facing just because of them being Tamil. It may be language, culture, freedom of religion, right of fair access to power and so on. These have to be addressed. Though there are certain provisions in the constitution. They are not being followed. It has been 15 years now after the end of the separatist war, but no genuine solutions have been found to the problems that Tamil-speaking people are facing. We believe in a two-way approach. Firstly, the political issue. We ensure the Tamil-speaking people’s fair right to have access to power which has been denied over the years by successive governments. Secondly, there are certain identical issues that Tamil-speaking people are facing. Similarly, there are several other common issues that they too are facing like the other people in the country. We ensure that we find solutions for all those problems. Otherwise, the divisive political culture inciting one against the other cannot find solutions to the ethnic problem. Therefore, we believe as a party we can find lasting solutions to the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka and rebuild the nation. What is your policy in respect of the Executive Presidency? Will you abolish or continue with it? The Executive Presidency should be changed and we are very clear about our stand. Since the introduction of the executive presidency, we have believed it is not a suitable model for us. Even after 46 years of its existence, the executive presidential system has repeatedly proved that it is not suitable for a country like ours. Therefore, it should be abolished. The deals of the government with the IMF. Will you retain them or propose changes? How will they come? We have now entered into an IMF programme. If we had not agreed, we could have looked at an alternative. Since we have agreed now, whoever comes to power cannot leave the IMF programme. We know that not all countries could overcome their crises by going to the IMF. For example, Argentina, Greece and many other countries have not been successful in following IMF conditionalities. Also, there are a handful of countries which have been successful. The IMF can intervene to manage the crisis. However, its involvement will not be sufficient to solve the inherent problems in our economy. Therefore, our policy is to have a dynamic economic programme that enhances the production of goods and services, that people are actively involved in the production process, and that people enjoy fair distribution of such goods and services. Therefore, we strongly believe that unless there is a sound economic policy, we cannot overcome the economic crisis just because of being in the IMF programme. What is the NPP’s policy towards the minority communities, like Tamils and Muslims? We don’t need a government that acts against one community. We need a government that represents all communities. We have been talking with the political parties in the north. Also, we hope to negotiate with the political parties in the upcountry and with Muslim parties. We need not build a government only for Sinhalese, nor that people in the north feel it is a Sinhala government. We need a government that safeguards the rights of Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim people in the country. We need the support of all communities to form a government and also, we need them to represent our government. Therefore, we are having a broader dialogue with the three main communities and their political leaders in this regard. What are the main NPP pledges to the public during the presidential election campaign? We believe that there are two main causes for the present crisis. First, our country’s political culture which is full of corruption, mismanagement, and inefficiency. One main pledge that we give to our people is that we eliminate this corrupt political culture. This political culture has not enabled economic democracy in the country. The access to economic activities is determined to what extent the private sector is connected to politicians. As such, it has been impossible to run a business without soliciting the blessings of politicians. Therefore, our second pledge to the people at this election is that we establish economic democracy in the country whereby there will be a level playing ground. We also know that many people in society have been impoverished owing to the crisis. Recovering those affected is also one of our priorities. There are moves for a debate between you and SJB leader Sajith Premadasa. What about one with UNP leader Ranil Wickramasinghe? Should you not be debating with him? We have been explaining to people our political practices. Our opponents too are doing the same and people in the country have experienced their political behaviours over the years. We have been engaging with people, explaining our policies and programmes, and they have witnessed our practices. The SJB, which does not have an identity of its own, has been repeatedly challenging us for a debate. We have accepted the challenge. Honestly, our dialogue is not with them but with the people. However, now we have proposed a few dates for the debate, but they have rejected those dates. We have once again informed the SJB leader to give us a few convenient dates for him before 20th May. If the debate does not happen on or before 20th May, the talk on this matter should come to an end. What about a debate with President Ranil Wickremesinghe or the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna? We are also prepared to have a debate with Ranil Wickramasinghe as well. How do you propose to cope with bribery and corruption when you are in power? The first proposal that we make is to eliminate the political culture that nurtures bribery, corruption and nepotism. The main thing that is required to stop corruption is that the rulers do not engage in corruption. Rulers must not rob public money. This is the first step we need to take to stop corruption. The NPP is the only party that can do that. We will do it. That is not sufficient. The investigation arms, the legal system and the judiciary should be made efficient. We are a country that should not face a calamity like this. This is not a result of a natural cause. This is a result of corrupt political regimes that have robbed billions in public money. Therefore, people expect us to stop this corruption and mismanagement. Hence, first, we must free the political authority from corruption. None of my party members or I have selected this political movement to waste or rob public money. Next, an uncorrupt political movement can build an uncorrupt government. We are such a party that proved to be uncorrupt through our practices over the last few decades. While strengthening the law enforcement agencies and eliminating corruption, we at the NPP will build a country that is free from corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism.